< Return to Video

Press Conference: Yanis Varoufakis & Democracy in Europe Movement 25

  • 0:00 - 0:14
    English subtitles
  • 0:14 - 0:27
    Good morning. We officially start the press conference
    of DiEM Democracy in Europe Movement.
  • 0:28 - 0:31
    This is Yanis Varoufakis as you probably
    know. My name is Srecko Horvat.
  • 0:32 - 0:40
    We are only one of the representatives of many
    people, who already joined the movement
    and today during the day you will see what it is about.
  • 0:41 - 0:47
    And we have half an hour for the press conference
    and later we must continue with our strategical meetings.
  • 0:48 - 1:03
    So, just a short introduction: In 1969 Theodor Adorno gave an interview
    for Der Spiegel. And the journalist asked the question
    "Herr Professor, two months ago world still seemed in order."
  • 1:04 - 1:07
    And you know, what Adorno answered?
  • 1:07 - 1:09
    "Not to me!"
  • 1:10 - 1:17
    And I think it's the same: Maybe to some people the
    European Union seems to be fine. But for us, and
    especially from Yanis' experience
  • 1:17 - 1:21
    as the Greek finance minister, it didn't seem 'in Ordnung zu sein.'
  • 1:21 - 1:42
    Last year the German society for language announced
    that the three most popular words of the last year were
    on the first place Refugees, on the second place je suis Charlie and on the third place "Grexit."
  • 1:43 - 1:52
    On the tenth place it was "Wir können es
    schaffen" I think which is Merkel's quote
    regarding the refugee crisis.
  • 1:52 - 1:55
    What we want to do is actually to put "Wir
    können es schaffen" on the first place.
  • 1:55 - 2:01
    And that is the reason why we are founding
    together with other comrades from all around Europe the Democracy in Europe Movement.
  • 2:02 - 2:08
    But I will give you the word now and then
    we answer questions. I think it's better for
    the press conference.
  • 2:08 - 2:12
    Well, let me welcome you to this press conference.
    Thank you so much for coming.
  • 2:12 - 2:19
    It's a great honour, a privilege, to be in
    the heart of Europe, in Berlin.
  • 2:19 - 2:27
    We've chosen Berlin, precisely because
    nothing can change in the progressive
    direction without
  • 2:27 - 2:32
    the full participation of Germany in
    our European endeavors.
  • 2:33 - 2:41
    Unfortunately it is the conviction of some of
    us, those of us, who are putting DiEM together,
  • 2:41 - 2:46
    that the European Union is disintegrating
    and it is doing so quite fast!
  • 2:47 - 2:50
    Whether you're talking about the Euro-crisis,
  • 2:50 - 2:57
    the failure, the spectacular failure of
    the European Union, both as a Union and
  • 2:58 - 3:02
    also as it's constituent members to
    dealing with the refugee crisis
  • 3:02 - 3:04
    in a sensible, rational, humanist way
  • 3:04 - 3:08
    With a possible exception of Angela
    Merkel, who's been very good at this.
  • 3:08 - 3:16
    The phenomenon of the
    re-nationalization of ambition
  • 3:17 - 3:20
    The nationalization of hope
  • 3:20 - 3:25
    The fact, that we now have European gouvernments
  • 3:25 - 3:29
    adopting fully the "Not in my backyard"-mentality
  • 3:30 - 3:32
    Whether this is about debt , about refugees
  • 3:33 - 3:37
    about Schengen, about geopolitics,
    about our attitude to
  • 3:38 - 3:39
    the Middle East, to Lybia,
  • 3:39 - 3:43
    You only have to put together the words "European"
  • 3:43 - 3:46
    "foreign" and "policy" to end up with a joke.
  • 3:46 - 3:49
    Or the worse: "European," "Migration" and "policy"
  • 3:50 - 3:51
    to end up, with a joke.
  • 3:53 - 3:56
    Why is Europe disintegrating?
  • 3:57 - 4:00
    The wrong in the thought of it, is that we have allowed
  • 4:01 - 4:05
    for the last decade - two decades - possibly three
  • 4:05 - 4:09
    decades, a process of de-politicizing decision-making
  • 4:09 - 4:12
    at the heart of Europe, in our core-European institutions.
  • 4:13 - 4:17
    And when you de-politicize a political decision process
  • 4:17 - 4:20
    you end up with very bad politics and sub-stand-up
  • 4:20 - 4:22
    economic politics. And now we have
  • 4:22 - 4:25
    - this is at least our estimation - a vicious cycle.
  • 4:25 - 4:29
    Bad policy leads to bad economic outcomes like
  • 4:30 - 4:33
    negative interest rates, facing pension funds in Germany
  • 4:33 - 4:37
    or deflation in Spain. These bad economic outcomes
  • 4:38 - 4:43
    give the bureaucratic-technocratic decision making process
  • 4:43 - 4:47
    more of an incentive, to turn to further degrees of
  • 4:47 - 4:51
    authoritarianism. The extra-degrees of authoritarianism
  • 4:51 - 4:56
    lead to more entrenchment in the bad policy framework.
  • 4:56 - 4:57
    Which leads to further bad outcomes
  • 4:58 - 5:02
    and we are in a kind of early 1930's
  • 5:02 - 5:05
    framework of disintegration.
  • 5:06 - 5:10
    The art to this mix, an extraordinary shock like the refugees
  • 5:10 - 5:13
    and you end up with a situation we're facing in Europe today
  • 5:13 - 5:17
    so we ask ourselves a very simple question:
  • 5:17 - 5:22
    If our analysis is right, if the European Union is disintegrating
  • 5:22 - 5:24
    because of its terrible gouvernance and architecture
  • 5:25 - 5:26
    what is the solution?
  • 5:26 - 5:28
    Well, we know what is not the solution:
  • 5:29 - 5:31
    The solution is not to return to the nation-state.
  • 5:31 - 5:33
    The solution is not to build walls, again.
  • 5:33 - 5:37
    The solution is not "Fortress Germany," "Fortress France"
  • 5:38 - 5:42
    "Fortress Greece" Fortress, fortresses everywhere
  • 5:42 - 5:46
    Those walls simply reflect our security-love failures.
  • 5:46 - 5:47
    That's not the solution.
  • 5:48 - 5:51
    It is also not the solution - ostrich-like - to burry
  • 5:52 - 5:54
    heads in the sand to pretend that we are
  • 5:54 - 5:56
    on the right path and we only need to tweak our
  • 5:56 - 5:58
    policies a little bit. So, if these are not the solutions,
  • 5:59 - 6:00
    what are the solutions?
  • 6:00 - 6:07
    Well, our answer to this poignant question is a search
  • 6:07 - 6:10
    for democratizing the European Union institutions
  • 6:11 - 6:15
    to achieve two things: Firstly to recalibrate
  • 6:15 - 6:19
    existing institutions and policies. In order to stabilize
  • 6:19 - 6:24
    the five crisis that are disintegrating Europe: Debt, banking,
  • 6:24 - 6:28
    low investment everywhere, including in Germany,
  • 6:28 - 6:32
    rising poverty, which fuels misanthropy and other nationalism
  • 6:32 - 6:34
    and migration.
  • 6:35 - 6:37
    And to do this, in a way
  • 6:37 - 6:40
    that re-legitimizes political power
  • 6:40 - 6:42
    and re-politicizes politics in Europe.
  • 6:43 - 6:44
    How can this happen?
  • 6:45 - 6:47
    The old-fashioned system
  • 6:47 - 6:49
    of creating a political party
  • 6:49 - 6:50
    in the context of a nation-state,
  • 6:50 - 6:52
    making promises that you cannot fulfill
  • 6:52 - 6:53
    once you are in power
  • 6:53 - 6:55
    if you ever gain gouvernment
  • 6:56 - 6:57
    That system is finished.
  • 6:59 - 7:02
    I have watched mighty finance ministers including
  • 7:02 - 7:04
    this country's
  • 7:04 - 7:07
    being reduced to a state of helplessness
  • 7:07 - 7:09
    in the context of European Union Council
  • 7:09 - 7:10
    in the context of the EURO-group
  • 7:11 - 7:12
    So, if we are right,
  • 7:13 - 7:14
    that another political party
  • 7:15 - 7:17
    another organization in the context of the
  • 7:17 - 7:19
    nation-states is the wrong way to go,
  • 7:19 - 7:21
    What is the only alternative?
  • 7:21 - 7:22
    The only alternative is to try
  • 7:22 - 7:24
    something you've never tried before.
  • 7:25 - 7:26
    A political movement
  • 7:26 - 7:27
    that starts everywhere in Europe
  • 7:28 - 7:29
    at once, cross-border
  • 7:30 - 7:33
    independently of prior political party-affiliations
  • 7:35 - 7:38
    that has one simple objective:
  • 7:38 - 7:40
    To get Europeans around a metaphorical table
  • 7:41 - 7:44
    digital table; in forms like this one
  • 7:44 - 7:46
    tonight. To discuss as Europeans
  • 7:46 - 7:47
    their common problems
  • 7:47 - 7:49
    and what we want are common solutions
  • 7:49 - 7:51
    to these common problems to be.
  • 7:51 - 7:53
    The hope is that, if the consensus emerges
  • 7:53 - 7:55
    and our consensus will find ways of
  • 7:55 - 7:56
    expressing itself on the level of
  • 7:57 - 7:59
    the municipality, of the origin, of the state,
  • 7:59 - 8:02
    of the European Union,
  • 8:03 - 8:04
    We are very much looking forward
  • 8:05 - 8:06
    to answering your many and
  • 8:06 - 8:09
    pressing questions!
  • 8:10 - 8:12
    So, let's start with a question here.
  • 8:16 - 8:19
    Q: "President Erdogan of Turkey has today
  • 8:19 - 8:21
    it seems threatened Europe saying that
  • 8:21 - 8:25
    if Turkey doesn't receive financing
  • 8:25 - 8:28
    he will send masses of refugees
  • 8:28 - 8:29
    towards the EU.
  • 8:30 - 8:32
    How do these type of threats challenge
  • 8:32 - 8:34
    the aims that you're putting forward?
  • 8:37 - 8:39
    A: These threats, the clear and present
  • 8:39 - 8:41
    dangers that we're facing
  • 8:41 - 8:42
    enhance the point.
  • 8:42 - 8:45
    It is about time, that we decided to
  • 8:46 - 8:47
    treat the problem as a common one.
  • 8:47 - 8:49
    Not as a Greek problem.
  • 8:49 - 8:52
    Not as a problem to be sorted out by
  • 8:52 - 8:54
    turning Greece or Italy or Sicily
  • 8:55 - 8:57
    into a concentration camp.
  • 8:57 - 9:01
    But as the common problem of a large
  • 9:01 - 9:04
    Union, a powerful Union, a rich Union
  • 9:05 - 9:07
    which has failed spectacularly over the
  • 9:08 - 9:10
    last weeks, last months, and years
  • 9:10 - 9:12
    to deal with common problems,
  • 9:12 - 9:14
    systemic problems - systematically.
  • 9:14 - 9:17
    So the whole raison d'etre of what
  • 9:17 - 9:21
    we're doing is to be able to look Mister
  • 9:21 - 9:23
    Adorno in the eye, as Europeans
  • 9:24 - 9:25
    with a coherent policy
  • 9:25 - 9:29
    which is consistent also with coherent
  • 9:29 - 9:31
    policies in the realm of solidarity
  • 9:31 - 9:33
    within Europe
  • 9:33 - 9:35
    Economic stabilization
  • 9:35 - 9:39
    and an end to the race to the bottom
  • 9:39 - 9:42
    which is forcing Europe into the bossom
  • 9:42 - 9:44
    of disintegration.
  • 9:44 - 9:47
    Q: It does not help if you are playing
  • 9:47 - 9:48
    brinkmanship with these types of states
  • 9:48 - 9:50
    does it, when you're trying to deal as
  • 9:50 - 9:53
    a Europe, but your partners outside
  • 9:53 - 9:55
    of Europe are willing to hold this gun
  • 9:55 - 9:57
    to your head.
  • 9:57 - 9:59
    A: Well, unity's strength!
  • 9:59 - 10:03
    When a gun is being held to our head,
  • 10:03 - 10:05
    the last thing we need is a situation
  • 10:05 - 10:07
    where Berlin turn against Athens
  • 10:07 - 10:09
    Athens turns against Paris
  • 10:09 - 10:11
    Paris turns against Bratislava..
  • 10:12 - 10:16
    The next question, please
  • 10:16 - 10:17
    The man behind, here.
  • 10:17 - 10:18
    Q: You said you wanted to start a movement
  • 10:18 - 10:19
    in all European countries at once
  • 10:19 - 10:22
    What makes you believe that you can
  • 10:22 - 10:24
    achieve, what all social movements,
  • 10:24 - 10:27
    protest movements or ATTAC for example
  • 10:27 - 10:28
    has not achieved so far
  • 10:28 - 10:29
    and have bitterly failed?
  • 10:30 - 10:32
    A: Absolutely nothing.
  • 10:32 - 10:34
    But it's the only way I can wake up in
  • 10:34 - 10:36
    the morning and be energized
  • 10:36 - 10:39
    to that, what I think, is right.
  • 10:39 - 10:43
    Look, Harald: 2015 was a pivotal year.
  • 10:43 - 10:48
    It was a year, when we failed
  • 10:48 - 10:53
    as Europe - quite substantially to deal
  • 10:53 - 10:57
    with an economic policy, which condemned
  • 10:58 - 11:02
    large parts of the periphery to
  • 11:02 - 11:04
    permanent depression.
  • 11:04 - 11:05
    Permanent depression!
  • 11:05 - 11:07
    While at the very same time condemning
  • 11:07 - 11:10
    surplus economies, core-economies like
  • 11:10 - 11:12
    Germany, like Netherlands, and so on
  • 11:12 - 11:16
    to a slow burning deflationary process
  • 11:17 - 11:20
    which is undermining confidence in
  • 11:20 - 11:23
    the core-countries regarding the capacity
  • 11:23 - 11:26
    of the European Union and gouvernments
  • 11:26 - 11:28
    in Berlin, in The Netherlands, and so on
  • 11:28 - 11:30
    to deal with the situation.
  • 11:30 - 11:33
    For the very first time - just let me
  • 11:33 - 11:36
    say one thing - for the very first time
  • 11:36 - 11:39
    there is a possibility of a coalition
  • 11:39 - 11:40
    of democrats.
  • 11:40 - 11:42
    Whether they are liberal democrats,
  • 11:42 - 11:45
    social democrats, radical democrats,
  • 11:45 - 11:47
    green democrats.
  • 11:47 - 11:51
    2015 has pointed out to many people
  • 11:51 - 11:53
    that our system of gouvernance in Europe
  • 11:53 - 11:55
    is not consistent
  • 11:55 - 11:57
    with shared prosperity.
  • 11:57 - 11:59
    Now, maybe what we are doing is going
  • 11:59 - 12:02
    to allow this coalition to come into
  • 12:02 - 12:04
    being. Something that previous movements
  • 12:04 - 12:06
    have not succeeded in doing. Remember
  • 12:06 - 12:09
    that defenders of capitalism, of free
  • 12:09 - 12:14
    market, propose, put forward a view
  • 12:14 - 12:18
    that the reason that capitalism is dynamic, is because
  • 12:18 - 12:20
    it's a trial and error-process
  • 12:20 - 12:24
    where the market determines out of many
  • 12:24 - 12:27
    failures what the success-score is.
  • 12:27 - 12:29
    Well, maybe we need to try out many different
  • 12:29 - 12:31
    movements in order to come to the
  • 12:31 - 12:33
    one, that allows Europe to integrate
  • 12:33 - 12:35
    as opposed to disintegrate.
  • 12:35 - 12:37
    Maybe this movement will also be
  • 12:37 - 12:40
    failure as you say, but we have to keep
  • 12:40 - 12:43
    trying until the evolutionary process
  • 12:43 - 12:46
    the historical process in Europe
  • 12:46 - 12:48
    is put into the direction, onto the
  • 12:48 - 12:50
    pathway towards integration
  • 12:50 - 12:54
    And in a mode, that arrests the current
  • 12:54 - 12:55
    deconstruction.
  • 12:56 - 12:58
    OK - we take one more question from
  • 12:58 - 13:00
    the right. And the we turn to the left.
  • 13:02 - 13:04
    Q: I want to ask you about media-
  • 13:04 - 13:07
    terminology and Orwellianism
  • 13:07 - 13:08
    Corporate media here in Germany
  • 13:08 - 13:11
    and in the US uses terms like
  • 13:11 - 13:13
    structural adjustments,
  • 13:13 - 13:14
    labour market flexibility,
  • 13:14 - 13:16
    rescue packages,
  • 13:16 - 13:18
    as if the whole nation was rescued,
  • 13:18 - 13:20
    Savings program, Noam Chomsky says
  • 13:20 - 13:22
    liberal market flexibility is another
  • 13:22 - 13:24
    term for a person not knowing if
  • 13:24 - 13:26
    he wakes up tomorrow with a job.
  • 13:26 - 13:28
    So, I want to ask you if your movement
  • 13:28 - 13:31
    will take these terminologies and change
  • 13:31 - 13:33
    them around to provide a more accurate picture
  • 13:33 - 13:35
    to what's happening on ground.
  • 13:35 - 13:38
    A: Well, we should all, every single one of
  • 13:38 - 13:41
    us, beware Orwellian Doublespeak.
  • 13:41 - 13:45
    And the way which language is twisted
  • 13:45 - 13:49
    in order to hide what's underlaying
  • 13:49 - 13:53
    particular sentences and policies.
  • 13:53 - 13:56
    And effectively to throw rays of light
  • 13:56 - 13:58
    and transparency and what people
  • 13:58 - 14:01
    actually mean. Would it not be good,
  • 14:01 - 14:03
    if our language was useful in the
  • 14:03 - 14:06
    content of a dialog, so what we meant
  • 14:06 - 14:07
    was conveyed to our interlocutors.
  • 14:08 - 14:12
    My favourite one is an example of
  • 14:13 - 14:15
    such Doublespeak. During our
  • 14:15 - 14:16
    negotiations with The Troika,
  • 14:16 - 14:20
    the term they used for reducing pensions
  • 14:20 - 14:25
    "Intergenerational restoration of justice"
  • 14:25 - 14:29
    Yes, please.
  • 14:33 - 14:35
    Q: ..."Radical Lefts?"
  • 14:35 - 14:41
    A: If you read our manifesto - hm -
  • 14:41 - 14:45
    it is quite clear, that it's a manifesto
  • 14:45 - 14:47
    for the democratization of Europe and
  • 14:47 - 14:50
    it is an open call to all democrats
  • 14:50 - 14:53
    independently of ideologies,
  • 14:53 - 14:55
    conceptions of the good society
  • 14:55 - 14:58
    political party-affiliation. Now, I
  • 14:58 - 15:00
    of course, like you, like all of us
  • 15:00 - 15:02
    we have our particular prejudices
  • 15:02 - 15:05
    our particular ideological take.
  • 15:05 - 15:08
    But DiEM is not me, not Srecko,
  • 15:08 - 15:11
    it's not any of the people who will be
  • 15:11 - 15:13
    at the Volksbühne tonight.
  • 15:13 - 15:15
    It's all of us together and it is
  • 15:15 - 15:20
    it's manifest.
  • 15:20 - 15:22
    It's as good as the word of the manifesto
  • 15:22 - 15:25
    that it seeks to embrace every one
  • 15:25 - 15:28
    who cares about re-democratizing
  • 15:28 - 15:30
    putting the demos back into democracy
  • 15:30 - 15:33
    in Europe.
  • 15:33 - 15:34
    Q: Do you really think that Center-left / center-right can be with?
  • 15:34 - 15:37
    A: This is, what we want. You see,
  • 15:37 - 15:42
    Some of my greatest political friends
  • 15:42 - 15:47
    associates, if you want "collaborators"
  • 15:48 - 15:51
    are people who'd be described in Britain
  • 15:51 - 15:53
    as Thatcher-Rights, as new-liberals.
  • 15:53 - 15:57
    People, who are incensed by the
  • 15:57 - 15:59
    vacuum of democracy, the lack of
  • 15:59 - 16:01
    democracy in Brussels, in Frankfurt
  • 16:01 - 16:02
    in the institutions of Europe
  • 16:02 - 16:05
    which are doing such a bad job at managing
  • 16:05 - 16:07
    Europe. If I can be friends with these
  • 16:07 - 16:08
    people, I think it is perfectly possible
  • 16:08 - 16:12
    for DiEM to embrace every one
  • 16:12 - 16:16
    who simply agrees on the necessity
  • 16:17 - 16:21
    of re-politicizing politics in order
  • 16:21 - 16:23
    to arrest the economic crisis
  • 16:23 - 16:27
    and the crisis of excessive authoritarianism
  • 16:27 - 16:29
    in this democracy-free zone, which is
  • 16:29 - 16:33
    Brussels and Frankfurt.
  • 16:44 - 16:47
    Q: Re-democratization also means to
  • 16:47 - 16:49
    defend the constitutions of the
  • 16:49 - 16:51
    member-states?
  • 16:51 - 16:54
    A: The problem with... Of course!
  • 16:54 - 16:57
    We are constitutionalist-democrats.
  • 16:57 - 16:59
    But let me say this to you Sir:
  • 16:59 - 17:02
    The moment, we created a common currency,
  • 17:02 - 17:05
    we transferred sovereignty
  • 17:05 - 17:08
    from our nation-states into a black hole.
  • 17:08 - 17:10
    We didn't create a federation,
  • 17:10 - 17:12
    if we had created a federal gouvernment
  • 17:12 - 17:14
    we had transferred our sovereignty
  • 17:14 - 17:17
    from the nation-state to the federal state.
  • 17:17 - 17:19
    And we would need a constitution
  • 17:19 - 17:21
    to do that, that will be over-arching
  • 17:21 - 17:23
    and towering above the constitutions
  • 17:23 - 17:25
    of our nation-states. We didn't do that.
  • 17:25 - 17:28
    So, now there's no sovereignty.
  • 17:28 - 17:29
    Now there is just opacity, there is
  • 17:29 - 17:34
    authoritarianism, there are officials
  • 17:34 - 17:38
    that you or maybe you know who they are and
  • 17:38 - 17:39
    what they are called, but the crashing
  • 17:39 - 17:42
    majority of Europeans have never even
  • 17:42 - 17:43
    seen their face or heard their names
  • 17:43 - 17:45
    who make the important - crucial -
  • 17:45 - 17:47
    decisions, behind their backs
  • 17:47 - 17:49
    And the problem is
  • 17:49 - 17:50
    that the vast majority of Europeans,
  • 17:50 - 17:54
    whether they agree with me or not,
  • 17:54 - 17:57
    feel that there is this lack of legitimacy
  • 17:57 - 17:59
    that problem with this is, that in the
  • 17:59 - 18:02
    context of an deflationary spiral
  • 18:02 - 18:04
    with refugee crisis that are not being
  • 18:04 - 18:06
    dealt with collectively
  • 18:06 - 18:08
    there is a very serious danger
  • 18:08 - 18:10
    that this discontent
  • 18:10 - 18:11
    for the lack of legitimacy
  • 18:11 - 18:13
    and the disrespect to the constitutions
  • 18:13 - 18:16
    without having an over-arching federal
  • 18:16 - 18:18
    constitution, leads to
  • 18:18 - 18:22
    disintegration, to nationalism, to an
  • 18:22 - 18:24
    attempt to recoil back into the
  • 18:24 - 18:27
    nation state. In other words
  • 18:27 - 18:28
    to put it very so simply
  • 18:28 - 18:31
    A postmodern version of the 1930's
  • 18:31 - 18:32
    Democrats must stop this.
  • 18:32 - 18:35
    We must give the average people out there
  • 18:35 - 18:37
    especially those who would never want to hear
  • 18:37 - 18:39
    anything from me, or people like me,
  • 18:39 - 18:41
    we must give them hope
  • 18:41 - 18:44
    that Europe can rise up to the occasion
  • 18:44 - 18:46
    of reclaiming constitutional democratic
  • 18:46 - 18:49
    processes in a way that is consistent
  • 18:49 - 18:54
    with their anxieties and aspirations
  • 18:59 - 19:04
    Q: I still wonder why we need your movement, this new movement? As we have other political leftwing parties who fight for democracy, who fight for more integration.
  • 19:12 - 19:15
    A: I hope, you know, it would be a dream
  • 19:15 - 19:18
    for me, not to have to do this.
  • 19:18 - 19:21
    It would be great, if existing movements
  • 19:21 - 19:22
    could have done the job!
  • 19:22 - 19:23
    But I don't feel they can and
  • 19:23 - 19:25
    I don't believe a left-wing movement can
  • 19:25 - 19:27
    do it. Look, I'm a left-winger, I make no bones
  • 19:29 - 19:32
    about that, I think that you all know this,
  • 19:32 - 19:35
    but I have to be brutally honest:
  • 19:35 - 19:38
    The Left suffered a major defeat in the
  • 19:38 - 19:42
    late 1980's, early 1990's. We carry a
  • 19:42 - 19:46
    major burden of guilt. For all the crimes
  • 19:46 - 19:50
    that we carried out as leftists,
  • 19:50 - 19:53
    Not as individuals - the collective
  • 19:53 - 19:54
    guilt of the left.
  • 19:54 - 19:57
    Over the 20th Century.
  • 19:57 - 20:00
    The Left has not succeeded
  • 20:00 - 20:04
    since 1991 and especially after 2008 the
  • 20:04 - 20:06
    major, the great financial crisis
  • 20:06 - 20:09
    which it was the impetus, the trigger
  • 20:09 - 20:11
    of the crisis of the Euro, the crisis of
  • 20:11 - 20:12
    the European Union, now.
  • 20:12 - 20:16
    We've failed as The Left to break out
  • 20:16 - 20:18
    of that past to break out of that very
  • 20:18 - 20:22
    strict confines of a minority.
  • 20:22 - 20:24
    We did this in Greece, briefly
  • 20:24 - 20:28
    but this was not replicated in Germany,
  • 20:28 - 20:31
    not replicated in France.
  • 20:31 - 20:34
    The issues that we're facing however
  • 20:34 - 20:36
    just like in the 1970's, are issues
  • 20:36 - 20:38
    of that are existentialist for the
  • 20:38 - 20:41
    survival of Europe and well beyond
  • 20:41 - 20:42
    the limitations of The Left
  • 20:42 - 20:45
    This why we're calling for a broad
  • 20:45 - 20:47
    coalition of liberal, social, leftist,
  • 20:47 - 20:50
    radical, green democrats,
  • 20:50 - 20:52
    who agree on one simple idea
  • 20:52 - 20:55
    that the "demos" must be centrally in
  • 20:55 - 20:56
    "Democracy."
  • 20:56 - 20:58
    And not be treated with contempt by
  • 20:58 - 21:00
    bureaucrats that have usurped power
  • 21:00 - 21:04
    without anyone even having noticed.
  • 21:10 - 21:12
    Q: As the Refugee situation is always been mentioned
  • 21:12 - 21:22
    as a threat. I wonder if it is possible, if you view it possible for your movement as a positive thing? as a common project for europe, as population growth rather than just a threat.
  • 21:28 - 21:30
    A: If you read our manifest, it's very clear
  • 21:30 - 21:33
    on this: One of the epithets we have
  • 21:33 - 21:35
    attached to the Europe of our dreams
  • 21:35 - 21:37
    and our aspirations, is an Open Europe.
  • 21:37 - 21:40
    A Europe that understands
  • 21:40 - 21:45
    that fences and borders reflect insecurity
  • 21:46 - 21:48
    And spread insecurity in the name of
  • 21:48 - 21:52
    security. Speaking as Yanis Varoufakis now, not as DiEM
  • 21:52 - 21:54
    because DiEM has to be genuinely democratic
  • 21:54 - 21:56
    and therefore we have to convene sessions
  • 21:56 - 21:59
    of this, before we have a position about that.
  • 21:59 - 22:01
    I will speak to you now, personally
  • 22:01 - 22:04
    not as a representative of DiEM.
  • 22:04 - 22:06
    Two points about refugees:
  • 22:06 - 22:10
    Firstly from the ancient Greek tradition
  • 22:10 - 22:13
    of philoxenia when somebody knocks on
  • 22:13 - 22:15
    your door in the middle of the night,
  • 22:15 - 22:17
    they're wet and they're hungry
  • 22:17 - 22:20
    and they're blooded and scares,
  • 22:20 - 22:22
    you don't do a cost-benefit-analysis
  • 22:22 - 22:23
    to find out whether you should open the
  • 22:23 - 22:23
    door.
  • 22:23 - 22:25
    You just open it!
  • 22:25 - 22:27
    And you worry about the percussions
  • 22:27 - 22:29
    of what you have done, much later
  • 22:29 - 22:33
    after that person is dry, fed, watered
  • 22:33 - 22:35
    and not scared.
  • 22:35 - 22:36
    Point number one.
  • 22:36 - 22:38
    Point number two:
  • 22:38 - 22:40
    Europe must come to terms with its
  • 22:40 - 22:43
    history. For hundreds of years we have
  • 22:43 - 22:45
    populated the Earth.
  • 22:45 - 22:48
    We've exported Europeans to The Americas
  • 22:48 - 22:51
    to Australia, to Asia, to Africa.
  • 22:51 - 22:55
    We've colonized. We've killed off tribes
  • 22:55 - 22:57
    and have taken over the world.
  • 22:58 - 23:01
    That was fine, it was part of the great European exodus.
  • 23:01 - 23:03
    Well, you know what? Guess what!
  • 23:03 - 23:06
    The demographics of the planet are now
  • 23:06 - 23:08
    changing and Europe is going to be
  • 23:08 - 23:10
    repopulated to a very large extent
  • 23:10 - 23:11
    by people from outside of Europe.
  • 23:11 - 23:13
    We better accept that.
  • 23:13 - 23:15
    Learn to live with it
  • 23:15 - 23:17
    and learn to draw from it
  • 23:17 - 23:19
    all the energy that we can.
  • 23:19 - 23:24
    We are Aging Europe
  • 23:24 - 23:27
    and concentrate on how to handle this.
  • 23:27 - 23:30
    What polices are needed in order to make
  • 23:30 - 23:34
    this dynamic transition.
  • 23:34 - 23:36
    Come much closer to humanist values
  • 23:36 - 23:41
    and European values.
  • 23:54 - 23:59
    Q: While reading your manifesto I saw some short-term goals like transparency and openness
  • 24:05 - 24:09
    and some midle-term goals like constitutional assembling directly
  • 24:10 - 24:14
    from the people of Europe
  • 24:14 - 24:17
    Would you please adress the means you have in order of leverage to achieve those
  • 24:17 - 24:18
    goals, in a european context?
  • 24:19 - 24:21
    A: We have no means whatsoever.
  • 24:21 - 24:23
    We're starting tonight
  • 24:23 - 24:25
    Before tonight, we don't exist.
  • 24:25 - 24:27
    They're who have no leverage.
  • 24:27 - 24:31
    This is the whole point about a movement,
  • 24:31 - 24:34
    you state principals, you state objectives
  • 24:34 - 24:36
    you call upon fellow citizens from all
  • 24:36 - 24:39
    over Europe to join in, if they think
  • 24:39 - 24:44
    that there is a lacuna, ther is a dearth, that
  • 24:44 - 24:45
    there is a lack and that they feel that
  • 24:45 - 24:50
    they need to come with you and promote
  • 24:51 - 24:54
    collectively those objectives
  • 24:54 - 24:56
    So, our leverage will be absolutely
  • 24:56 - 24:59
    proportional to the number of people
  • 24:59 - 25:02
    that join DiEM and take an active part
  • 25:02 - 25:05
    in the pursuit of our common objectives
  • 25:05 - 25:10
    That's democracy.
  • 25:12 - 25:16
    Q: Again from Lesbos. Now you find a very militarization in Lesbos..
  • 25:30 - 25:34
    What is your answer to find a way out of this situation,
    because you don't find Europe, nor institutions only volunteers are working.
  • 25:44 - 25:48
    I want to hear from you more concrete, what you can send appeal here in the evening, to go another way, not militarization, to find a political way to solve the problem, Its really time to act now.
  • 25:59 - 26:01
    A: Precisely! This failure that you just
  • 26:01 - 26:05
    described is a fundamental reason why
  • 26:05 - 26:07
    we believe: We need a new movement
  • 26:07 - 26:10
    in Europe, that offers Europeans an
  • 26:10 - 26:11
    opportunities to discuss this as Europeans
  • 26:11 - 26:15
    not as Greeks or as Germans or as Slovaks.
  • 26:15 - 26:18
    But allow me, this is not the time to
  • 26:18 - 26:21
    articulate the fully fledged policy
  • 26:21 - 26:22
    response, but allow me to make a
  • 26:22 - 26:25
    very simple point: Last summer
  • 26:25 - 26:26
    our gouvernment in Greece - since you
  • 26:26 - 26:28
    talked about Lesbos -
  • 26:29 - 26:33
    was forced to capitulate to a deal
  • 26:33 - 26:37
    that lends our bankrupt gouvernment
  • 26:37 - 26:40
    another 85 billion. Before that
  • 26:40 - 26:41
    we were forced as a nation to accept
  • 26:41 - 26:43
    against the protestations of many of us
  • 26:43 - 26:47
    on the streets, 130 billion in 2012.
  • 26:47 - 26:49
    In 2010 we were forced to accept another
  • 26:49 - 26:53
    110 billion, all supposedly as part of a
  • 26:53 - 26:55
    solidarity to Greece - solidarity for
  • 26:55 - 26:58
    the bankers - but anyway
  • 26:58 - 27:01
    If all those tens and hundreds of billions
  • 27:01 - 27:03
    can be forced down the throat of a nation
  • 27:03 - 27:07
    that simply can't afford it, surely
  • 27:07 - 27:09
    we could find one or two, by which
  • 27:09 - 27:12
    to make this humanitarian part of the
  • 27:12 - 27:16
    crisis go away - in the most humane way,
  • 27:16 - 27:19
    in a way that does not constitute a
  • 27:19 - 27:22
    stepping stone towards militarization.
  • 27:22 - 27:24
    The fact that we are squabbling
  • 27:24 - 27:26
    over the few hundreds of thousands of
  • 27:26 - 27:29
    euros, when at the very same time
  • 27:29 - 27:31
    bailouts of hundreds of billions
  • 27:31 - 27:34
    of toxic loans are being banded about
  • 27:34 - 27:37
    with abandon, this is another sign of
  • 27:37 - 27:40
    the disintegration of the European Union
  • 27:40 - 27:42
    History is going to pass very harsh
  • 27:42 - 27:46
    judgement on us
  • 27:49 - 27:53
    Q: You always talk about more democratic practic? Are we more democratic e.g. Communist
  • 27:54 - 27:59
    Party of Greece called Greece to leave European Union
  • 28:01 - 28:04
    A: Let me put it very sincerely:
  • 28:04 - 28:06
    Maybe we should not have created the
  • 28:06 - 28:07
    European Union the way we did.
  • 28:07 - 28:09
    I'm convinced we shouldn't
  • 28:09 - 28:11
    we should have either not create it or
  • 28:11 - 28:15
    very differently, but once we've created
  • 28:15 - 28:17
    it, the disintegration of the European
  • 28:17 - 28:21
    Union is going to bring about
  • 28:21 - 28:26
    a very rapid collapse that will resemble
  • 28:26 - 28:28
    in terrible ways, what happened in the
  • 28:28 - 28:32
    1930's and what I respond to my friends
  • 28:32 - 28:35
    in the Communist Party, radical parts of
  • 28:35 - 28:37
    the left, who are articulating the
  • 28:37 - 28:39
    position, that maybe disintegration,
  • 28:39 - 28:41
    going back to a national currency, to
  • 28:41 - 28:43
    an nation state and so on, is that
  • 28:43 - 28:45
    the solution, is I remind them
  • 28:45 - 28:48
    that, when we had such disintegration in
  • 28:48 - 28:49
    1930's, it was not humanism
  • 28:49 - 28:51
    and it was not the left, that benefited
  • 28:51 - 28:55
    It was the fascists, and it was the Nazis
  • 28:55 - 28:59
    and Europe fell into a terrible trap
  • 29:00 - 29:03
    with immense human costs
  • 29:03 - 29:04
    Do we want the same?
  • 29:04 - 29:07
    I certainly don't.
  • 29:07 - 29:12
    We have time for one last question.
  • 29:16 - 29:20
    Those who are accredited we invite to ask
  • 29:20 - 29:26
    later. We also organized live-stream.
  • 29:37 - 29:43
    Q: How wil you engage people from small countries in DiEM?
  • 29:50 - 29:53
    A: We are great believers in acting locally,
  • 29:53 - 29:55
    in the context of an over-arching
  • 29:55 - 29:58
    pan-European agenda. So, there will be
  • 29:58 - 30:01
    many different layers of participation
  • 30:01 - 30:03
    There will be an application, an app
  • 30:03 - 30:06
    on the peoples' phone; there will be a
  • 30:06 - 30:08
    website, so the digital platform, which
  • 30:08 - 30:10
    is these days essentially in anything
  • 30:10 - 30:12
    one does at the collective or even at the
  • 30:12 - 30:17
    individual level, those are digital
  • 30:17 - 30:20
    platforms will allow people in Slovenia
  • 30:20 - 30:23
    in Ljubljana, to find out who is around
  • 30:23 - 30:27
    them, that is engaged. Our idea is to move
  • 30:27 - 30:30
    very quickly from these forms of digital
  • 30:30 - 30:34
    communication to town-hall events
  • 30:34 - 30:38
    in towns, in villages, in cities.
  • 30:38 - 30:40
    On themes, that we decide collectively
  • 30:40 - 30:43
    throughout Europe. Leading to bigger
  • 30:43 - 30:46
    events like the one we're having today
  • 30:46 - 30:47
    On a rolling basis
  • 30:47 - 30:50
    so, that the digital communication can
  • 30:50 - 30:52
    become analog and take the form of
  • 30:52 - 30:56
    face-to-face meetings, at the level of
  • 30:56 - 31:00
    the local, the state, and the pan-European
  • 31:01 - 31:03
    Thanks a lot. Maybe Yanis, you want a
  • 31:03 - 31:04
    final message or..
  • 31:04 - 31:06
    Well, the final message is, that
  • 31:06 - 31:08
    there's absolutely no doubt
  • 31:08 - 31:11
    that, what we are doing with DiEM
  • 31:11 - 31:14
    seems quite Utopian.
  • 31:14 - 31:17
    The idea of starting a European movement
  • 31:17 - 31:20
    not from a particular country
  • 31:20 - 31:23
    not from any existing organizational
  • 31:23 - 31:26
    basis, but from a horizontal perspective
  • 31:26 - 31:29
    throughout Europe, in order to change Europe
  • 31:29 - 31:32
    and to stop the descent into this hole
  • 31:32 - 31:37
    that disintegration is opening up for us
  • 31:37 - 31:40
    It sounds pretty far fetched, and it may
  • 31:40 - 31:42
    very well fail, but what is the
  • 31:42 - 31:45
    alternative? The alternative is either
  • 31:45 - 31:48
    to keep pretending, as the powers that be
  • 31:48 - 31:51
    in the European Union are doing
  • 31:51 - 31:52
    that they can maintain this European
  • 31:52 - 31:53
    Union, that we now have.
  • 31:53 - 31:56
    They can't - that's far more Utopian than
  • 31:56 - 31:59
    what we are doing!
  • 31:59 - 32:02
    And finally: The alternative to this
  • 32:02 - 32:06
    Utopian project is a horrible dystopia
  • 32:06 - 32:11
    that is going to punish severely everyone
  • 32:11 - 32:16
    except those, who flourish and find ways
  • 32:16 - 32:20
    of profiting it - Profiting from human
  • 32:20 - 32:21
    disasters.
  • 32:21 - 32:26
    Thank you very much!
Title:
Press Conference: Yanis Varoufakis & Democracy in Europe Movement 25
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
English
Duration:
32:36

English subtitles

Revisions