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♪ [music] ♪
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- [Narrator] Welcome to
Nobel conversations.
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In this episode, Josh Angrist
and Guido Imbens,
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sit down with Isaiah Andrews
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to discuss how the research
was initially received
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and how they responded
to criticism.
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At the time, did you feel like
you are on to something,
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you felt this was the beginning
of a whole line of work
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that you felt like was going
to be important or...?
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Not so much that it was
a whole line of work,
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but certainly I felt like,
"Wow, this--"
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- [Josh] We proved something
that people didn't know before,
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that it was worth knowing.
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Yeah, going back compared to
my job market papers having--
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I felt this was actually
a very clear crisp result.
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But there were definitely
was mixed reception
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and I don't think anybody
said that,
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"Oh, wow, this is already,
something."
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No, which is the nightmare scenario
for a researcher
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where you think you've
discovered something
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and then somebody else says,
"Oh, I knew that."
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But there were definitely was
a need to convince people
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that this was worth knowing,
that instrumental variables
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estimates a causal effect
for compliers.
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Yeah, but even though it
took a long time
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to convince a bigger audience,
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sometimes even fairly quickly,
the reception was pretty good
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among a small group of people.
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Gary, clearly liked it a lot
from the beginning
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and I remember, because at that point
Josh had left for Israel,
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but I remember explaining it
to Don Ruben
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and he was like,
"Yeah, this really is something here."
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Not right away though,
Don took some convincing.
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By the time you got to Don,
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there have been some back
and forth with him
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and in correspondence actually.
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But I remember at some point
getting a call or email from him
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saying that he was sitting
at the airport in Rome
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and looking at the paper
and thinking,
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"Yeah, no actually,
you guys are onto something."
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We were happy about
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but that took longer
than I think you remember.
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Yeah, it wasn't right away
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[laughter]
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because I know that I was back
in Israel by the time that happened.
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I'd left for Israel in the summer--
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I was only at Harvard for two years.
We had that one year.
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It is remarkable, I mean, that
one year was so fateful for us.
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- [Guido] Yes.
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I think we understood there was
something good happening,
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but maybe we didn't think it was
life-changing, only in retrospect.
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♪ [music] ♪
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- [Isaiah] As you said, it sounds like
a small group of people
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were initially quite receptive,
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perhaps took some time for
a broader group of people
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to come around to seeing
the LATE framework
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as a valuable way to look
at the world.
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I guess, in over the course of that,
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were their periods
where you thought,
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maybe the people saying
this wasn't a useful way
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to look at the world were right?
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Did you get discouraged?
How did you think about?
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I don't think I was discouraged
but the people who were saying
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that we're smart people,
well informed econometricians,
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sophisticated readers
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and I think the substance
of the comment was,
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this is not what econometrics
is about.
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Econometrics was being transmitted
at that time was about structure.
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There was this idea that
there's structure in the economy
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and it's our job to discover it
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and what makes it structure
is it's essentially invariant
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and so we're saying,
in the LATE theorem,
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that every instrument produces
its own causal effect,
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which is in contradiction to that
to some extent
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and so that was
where the tension was.
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People didn't want
to give up that idea.
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Yeah, I remember once
people were started
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arguing more more vocally
against that,
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that never really
bothered me that much.
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It seemed clear that
we had a result there
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and it became somewhat
controversial,
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but controversial in a good way.
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It was clear that people felt
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they had to come out against it
because--
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Well, I think what
we think it's good now
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we might not have loved it
at the time.
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I remember being somewhat,
the more upset--
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there was some dinner
where someone said,
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"No, no, that paper with Josh,
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that was doing a disservice
to the profession."
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We definitely had
reactions like that.
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At some level, that may be
indicative of the culture
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in general in economics
at the time.
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I thought back later,
what if that'd happened now,
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if I was a senior person sitting
in that conversation,
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I would call that out because it
really was not appropriate--
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- [Josh] It wasn't so bad.
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I think the criticism is--
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It wasn't completely misguided,
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it was maybe wrong.
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No, no, but you can say
the paper is wrong
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but it's saying that
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it's a disservice
to the profession,
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that's not really--
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Personal.
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Yes, and doing that, not to me,
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but in front of
my senior colleagues.
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But nobody was saying
the result was wrong
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and I remember also,
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some of the comments
were thought-provoking
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so we had some negative reviews,
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I think on the average
causal response paper.
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Somebody said, "These compliers
you can't figure out who they are."
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Right, it's one thing to say
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you're estimating
the effect of treatment
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on the treated
or something like that.
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You can tell me who's treated,
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people in the CPS,
you can't tell me who's a complier.
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So that was a legitimate challenge.
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That's certainly fair
and I can see why
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that part made people
a little uneasy and uncomfortable.
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But at the same time
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because it showed that you couldn't
really go beyond that,
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it was very useful thing
to realize.
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I remember on the day,
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we got to the key result
that I was thinking,
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"Wow, this is as good as it gets.
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Here we actually have an insight
but clearly--"
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And we had to sell it
at some point.
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For quite a few years,
we had to sell it
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and it's proven to be quite useful.
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I don't think we understood that
it would be so useful at the time.
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No.
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I did feel early on this was
a substantial insight.
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- [Josh] Yeah we [did] something.
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But I did not think
goals were there.
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I don't think we were aiming
for the Nobel.
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[laughter]
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We were very happy to get
that note in Econometrica.
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- [Isaiah] Are there factors
or are ways of approaching problems
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that lead people to be better
at recognizing the good stuff
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and taking the time to do it
as opposed to dismissing it?
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- [Josh] Sometimes
I think it's helpful.
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If you're trying to
convince somebody
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that you have something
useful to say
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and maybe they don't
speak your language,
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you might need
to learn their language.
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Yes, yes, exactly.
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That's what we did with Don,
we figured out how to--
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I remember we had a very hard time
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explaining the exclusion
restriction to Don,
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maybe rightfully so,
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I think Guido and I
eventually figured out
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that it wasn't formulated
very clearly,
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and we came up
with a way to do that
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in the potential outcomes framework
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that I think worked
for the three of us.
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Yeah.
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Well, it worked for
the bigger literature
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but I think what you're saying
there is exactly right,
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you need to figure out
how not just say,
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"Okay well, I've got this language
and this this works great
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and I've got to convince someone
else to use the language.
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You could first figure out
what language they're using
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and then only then,
can you try to say,
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"Wow, but here you thinking of it
this way,"
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but that's actually
a pretty hard thing to do,
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you get someone from
a different discipline,
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convincing them, two junior faculty
in a different department
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actually have something
to say to you,
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that's that takes
a fair amount of effort.
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Yeah, I wrote Don
a number of times,
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in fairly long letters.
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I remember thinking
this is worth doing,
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that if I could convince Don
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that would validate the framework
to some extent.
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I think both you and Don were
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a little bit more confident
that you were right.
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Well, we used to argue a lot
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and you would sometimes
referee those.
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[laughter]
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That was fun.
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It wasn't hurtful.
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I remember it getting
a little testy once,
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we had lunch in The Faculty Club
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and we're talking about
the draft lottery paper.
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We were talking about never takes
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as people wounded serve
in the military irrespective of
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whether they were getting drafted
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and you or Don said something
about shooting yourself in the foot,
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as a way of getting
out of the military
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and that may be
the exclusion restriction
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for never takes wasn't working
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and then the other one would say,
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"Well, yes you could do that
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but why would you want
to shoot yourself in the foot?"
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[laughter]
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It got a little [out of hand] there.
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I usually go for moving to Canada,
for my example,
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when I'm teaching that.
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But things are tricky,
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I get students coming
from computer science
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and they want to do things
on causal inference
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and it takes a huge amount
of effort to figure out
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how they actually thinking
about problem
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and whether there's something there
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and so, now over the years,
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I've got a little more appreciation
for the fact
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that Don was actually willing to--
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It took him a while,
but he did engage first with Josh
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and then with both of us
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and rather than dismissing
and say,
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"Okay, well I can't figure out
what these guys are doing
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and it's probably just
not really that interesting."
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Everybody always wants
to figure out quickly,
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you want to save time
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and you want to save your brain cells
for other things.
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The fastest route to
that is to figure out
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why you should dismiss something.
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Yes.
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I don't need to spend time on this.
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♪ [music] ♪
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- [Narrator] If you'd like
to watch more
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Nobel conversations, click here,
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or if you'd like to learn
more about econometrics,
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check out Josh's "Mastering
Econometrics" series.
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If you'd like to learn more
about Guido, Josh, and Isaiah
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check out the links
in the description.
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♪ [music] ♪