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Greetings Troublemakers...
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welcome to Trouble.
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My name is not important.
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Whether you live in a
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densely-populated metropolis,
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or a mid-sized city,
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chances are you've had
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first-hand experiences
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dealing with the process
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of capitalist urbanization
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known as gentrification.
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It's called gentrification.
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They can buy the land at a lower price.
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Then they move all the people out,
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raise the property value,
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and sell it at a profit.
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While this disease is
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often popularly associated
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with its most visible symptoms,
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like the opening of a new boutique cafe
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on your block,
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or the seemingly endless construction
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of new high-rise condo towers...
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gentrification is, at its core,
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a process of displacement.
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It is class warfare,
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waged in the physical spaces
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of our neighbourhoods.
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It is speculation and investment,
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financed by banks, investment firms
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and pension funds,
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enacted by real estate developers
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and facilitated by state, regional
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and local governments.
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The development of the modern city
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has always been, and continues to be,
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intimately tied to the interests
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of capitalists and the ruling class.
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Many of the cities that exist today
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first emerged back in
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the 18th and 19th century,
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often in tandem with
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the development and spread
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of industrial manufacturing
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and resource extraction.
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Early capitalists required
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massive numbers of workers to toil
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in their factories and mines,
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and so people were forced off the land
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and into concentrated urban populations,
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where they often lived
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in squalor and misery.
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In much of the Global South,
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this phenomenon is still taking place,
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as farmers and Indigenous communities
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are pushed off their lands and forced
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to move to cities to work in factories
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or precarious jobs in informal
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and black market economies.
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In 2014, the UN estimated that
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for the first time in human history,
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more than half of us lived in cities.
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This trend is only set to increase..
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and by far the fastest rate of urban
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population growth is occurring in
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sprawling and overcrowded
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mega-slums.
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Meanwhile, in the Global North,
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today's metropolitan cities have become
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the command and control centres
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for transnational corporations,
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hubs of global finance,
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and incubators of the dynamic new
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flag-bearers of the so-called
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information economy.
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Yet at the same time,
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decades of corporate off-shoring
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and neoliberal structural adjustments
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have created deep reservoirs
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of inequality.
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Gentrification is a byproduct
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of this contradiction.
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A process whereby cities
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and neighbourhoods
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regenerate themselves
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by displacing working-class people
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to suburban ghettos in order to make
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more room for the lavish lifestyles
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of the rich.
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Over the next thirty minutes,
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we will look at gentrification
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as a structural phenomenon,
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and examine how it is playing out
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in three megacities:
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Toronto, New Orleans and Istanbul.
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Along the way,
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we will highlight the voices of a number
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of individuals who are organizing
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with their neighbours,
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fighting back against the state
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and corporate developers...
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and making a whole lot of trouble.
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Since the financial crisis in 2008,
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we’ve increasingly seen
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the financialization of
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the rental housing sector.
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Financialization is a bit of
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a complicated term.
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What it really refers to is this shift
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in the way that capitalism
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has been operating,
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and a change that's taken place
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since about the 1970’s.
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So a shift from capital accumulation
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coming from commodity production
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to coming through financial channels.
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And what this has also involved is
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an increasing role for finance capital
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in other parts of the economy where
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it hadn’t previously played
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a prominent role,
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and then enforcing on those
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parts of the economy, logics of finance.
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Today, big money is made in cities.
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The real estate market is currently
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the largest sector of
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the Canadian economy.
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If you look at the biggest landlords
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in the country, 18 out of the top 20
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would fall under the category
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of these financialized landlords.
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You see things like hedge funds
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and pension funds that are invested
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in different local housing markets
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because it’s seen as a relatively
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safe investment.
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Fincialized investment in Canada
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has been growing since the 1990’s.
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Real Estate Investment Trusts
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are increasingly taking over
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the rental housing market.
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Since 1996,
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Real Estate Investment Trusts,
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or REIT’s, in particular,
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have grown from owning zero
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multi-family apartment suites,
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to owning over 160 000.
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Such that now they own
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about ten percent of privately-built
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multi-family housing in the country.
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Real Estate Investment Trusts
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allow investors to pool capital together
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to purchase real estate
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and the real estate itself
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then gets managed in a way
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to try and increase its value
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and generate profits
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back to those investors.
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So real estate investment trusts
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have access to tremendous amounts
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of capital and can buy large portfolios
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of buildings as they grow.
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And then they can take advantage of
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economies of scale to make
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those buildings more profitable.
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What they call this is "re-positioning."
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This has created a situation where
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all landlords across the board
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have been forced to take on
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certain strategies to increase profits
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in order to compete on that market.
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Housing prices have been going up
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in Canada and indeed
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other parts of the world.
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Canada’s been hit particularly hard.
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One of the hottest real estate markets
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where we’ve seen the largest increase
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in property values has been Toronto.
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In Ontario,
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the government sets an annual
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rent guideline.
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This is the amount that landlords
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are legally permitted to
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raise rents for sitting tenants.
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The guideline in 2017 was 1.5 percent.
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Yet we saw a 6% overall
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increase in rents.
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And so landlords have been able
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to raise rents beyond
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the provincial guideline
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primarily through vacancy decontrol.
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Since the 90’s we’ve had no rent control
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on vacant units.
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So this creates a pressure
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to try and make units vacant
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so that the rent can be increased
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up to whatever the market will bear.
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In the last year,
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the average price for a one bedroom
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unit in Toronto has increased
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to over $2000.
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The pattern that we’ve seen
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has been one of increasing social and
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spacial inequality in this city.
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So a pattern towards gentrification
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in the urban core.
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The demographic data
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is really very clear.
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It shows that downtown Toronto
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and the corridors along subway lines
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are essentially enclaves
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for rich white people.
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The majority of working-class,
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heavily racialized population
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is being pushed out
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into the inner suburbs
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or is struggling to stay
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in a few remaining areas
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in and around downtown Toronto,
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including places like Parkdale
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and the Queen and Sherbourne area.
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Rising house prices in Toronto
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have also created a situation where
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many young professionals in the market
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for their first homes
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have been priced out of the city.
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So we’re seeing a lot of young
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professional people trying to buy property
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in cities like Hamilton.
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The city of Hamilton’s cool quotient
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has been on the rise for some time,
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but the prosperity that’s got some
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celebrating has others worried about
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whether the urban renaissance there
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could be leaving some people behind.
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Hamilton is a mid size city in southern Ontario
and for most of its history, Hamilton was
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a large steel manufacturer.
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It’s still known as the “Steel Town”
although for years now, the steel industry
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has been shrinking, and now it’s trying
to essentially recreate itself as a “artistic
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hub” and kind of draw in creative professionals
from the greater Toronto Area.
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Because of Hamilton’s physical proximity
to Toronto, we have kind of a secondary wave
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of gentrification happening in Hamilton.
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The province of Ontario has regional population
targets and a general idea about where they
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want to see population growth happening.
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In order to facilitate this and in order to
integrate some of the metropolitan areas,
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they’ve invested in larger scale transportation
infrastructure.
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One such initiative is the Go Transit Network
which is a fleet of busses and trains which
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link commuters from the greater Toronto Area.
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Hamilton has two new Go Transit Hubs in the
works.
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One in the east and one in the north of downtown.
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Both of these are aimed at making Hamilton
more attractive as a potential bedroom community
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of Toronto.
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And beyond that, the province is also funding
a light rail transit or LRT line in Hamilton
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which is going to run the length of the lower
city from Mcmaster University in the west,
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out to Stoney Creek in the very east end of
the city.
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This project is really going to open up the
city to gentrification.
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This is essentially a state led strategy of
urban intensification and the levels of development
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that accompany it.
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Despite the upheaval and mass displacement
that it brings in its wake, gentrification
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is usually a pretty gradual process, and one
that traditionally tends to take place in
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stages.
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Stereotypically, it starts with artists, students
and hipsters of various stripes moving into
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a working-class neighbourhood, drawn to the
area by its cheap rents.
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These new arrivals bring with them increased
social capital and disposable income, and
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soon a host of new cafes, restaurants, bars
and art galleries begin to spring up to cater
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to their tastes.
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From there, the area starts to get a buzz,
and real estate agents begin promoting it
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as an up-and-coming neighbourhood.
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Homeowners decide to cash in on rising property
values, while long-standing working-class
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and racialized tenants are priced, or otherwise
pushed out.
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More middle-class residents move in, rents
go up... and the cycle repeats until the area
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is completely transformed into a sterile playground
for the rich.
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That's how the story goes, anyway.
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In reality, this oversimplified formula for
gentrification ignores the important role
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that developers, finance capital, police and
urban planners at various levels of government
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play in coordinating the process.
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But even when all those variables are factored
in, the fact remains that gentrification generally
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still takes years to play out... for the simple
reason that it's hard to displace large numbers
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of poor people from their homes in one fell
swoop.
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Except of course... when the powerful forces
pushing gentrification get a little helping
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hand from the even more powerful forces of
Mother Nature.
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You’ve got Pagoda’s over there, you’ve
got the Church of Yoga over here, you’ve
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got the Uber building down the street, so
you’ve got all these little spots here and
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there that are quickly making it so this is
actually a high traffic area of primarily
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white people that are not from here carrying
yoga mats.
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That’s what this area, it used to be a very
poor area, got replaced with.
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I’ve seen this city go through changes in
my life.
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The building of the Crescent City Connection-
that bridge transformed this community in
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a multitude of ways.
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With that bridge came urban renewal.
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One of the oldest African Communities was
displaced in order to build a housing project.
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The third would be Betsy, Hurricane Betsy.
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Because of Besty, people that would normally
be still living down by the Bayou or the 9th
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ward, would have just remained in those areas.
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But because of the devastation of those communities,
it forced them to come into a community that
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was being rebuilt and reborn, and then Katrina.
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Out of all of them, Katrina was the worst.
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It had the most devastating impact.
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I moved to New Orleans in 2014.
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I’m from Venezuela and my country’s consulate
had closed down in Miami so I came here to
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get my passport.
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There was also some immigration restrictions
that encouraged me to move here.
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A big factor was connected to gentrification,
which is moving here because housing was more
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affordable after Katrina and because employment
was something I could find here more accessible
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than in South Florida.
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Because of Katrina and the great displacement
of local communities after Katrina and during
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Katrina, to be a guest in this city and to
be a resident in this city post Katrina, and
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be a respectful guest, you have to be very
aware of the racial dynamics of who has been
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displaced and who has been the demographic
replacing the people who are no longer able
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to come back to the city, alongside with millions
of dynamics that go anywhere from microagressions
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to being a major player of gentrification
and in the systems that are negatively impacting
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and negatively affecting the communities here.
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Katrina was also the very first major disaster
where Fema came under homeland security.
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The first two weeks after Katrina, it was
all about security.
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You know, it felt like all those that matter
had left.
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Those who was left in the city, don’t even
really matter.
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And they made that crystal clear by their
action.
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With that and the advent of disaster capitalism.
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Seeing everything from trash removal, to the
removal of bodies- was held up until certain
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individuals got they contracts.
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You had billions of dollars that was allocated
to a city with a population of less than half
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a million.
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Billions.
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But it impacted no one that really had the
needs.
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The needs of the community have gone unaddressed
and instead what has been prioritized has
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been profit and the passing of policies that
have been geared towards making profit from
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the displacement of people.
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Looking at prisons and the jail systems now,
and how much of the money that the government
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gives is still going towards allegedly restoring
or rebuilding or expanding the jail or the
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prisons or rebuilding or expanding new hospitals
which are more for profit and they’re not
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as affordable.
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With all these examples you can see how the
city systemically is still taking money from
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the disaster and still profiting from the
displacement of the community here and investing
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that money in for profit projects that are
geared towards tourists or geared towards
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upper class guests or upper class residents
as opposed to working class communities and
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poor communities, and particularly communities
of colour which was the majority of people
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in New Orleans before Katrina.
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People are being priced out of their homes.
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A unit that was maybe 500 during pre-Katrina,
now was somewhere around 12.
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Developers are coming in, and now you have
the advent of the Air B&B, you know you have
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a New Orleans that is constantly being transformed
around us.
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You see a lot of whites and others coming
in to predominantly African American community.
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Directly after Katrina, everybody basically
had to evacuate the city.
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A lot of the housing that could have been
restored, was not restored.
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Instead it was taken down and new housing
that’s not affordable was built up or businesses
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were built up.
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In general, we’ve seen almost no efforts
to bring back people that were displaced by
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Katrina, and instead we’re seeing efforts
to continue to profit from making more tourist
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hot spots.
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The industry that’s really running the city
is tourism.
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White tourism.
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And it’s controlled by white dollars.
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And they control not only the white tourism,
but they control about 90 percent of the black
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tourism.
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A lot of the money that’s being given to
New Orleans from the government is going to
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the expansion of prisons or the attempts at
building new prisons.
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It’s a completely a for-profit organization,
so a lot of the money is being either misplaced
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into making more profit from poverty and crime
and displacement, or it’s being put into
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development that is to better assist the communities
that are not from New Orleans, so it’s being
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put to renovate big businesses or to make
the business sectors and the upper class sector
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and the tourism sector in the city better
and it’s not being distributed in the places
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that it’s the most needed.
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This is a city that’s ran by the police
because it’s ran by tourism.
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And in order for tourism needs to survive,
it’s got to be protected.
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But you try to tell the police- it don’t
have nowhere near the impact of poverty.
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That’s the most cruel thing.
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You know, you be living on a block, where
there only one person got a Mercedes, you
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dig?
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And you catchin’ a bus.
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Ten years ago, the international financial
system nearly collapsed.
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A historically unprecedented housing bubble
in the United States burst, setting off a
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chain reaction that ended up threatening the
institutional pillars of global capitalism
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itself.
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As millions of people lost their homes, governments
around the world scrambled to bail out the
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banks and pump money back into the global
economy.
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But rather than spending that money on rebuilding
the local communities that they'd just destroyed,
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the banks poured that money into a number
of so-called 'emerging economies'.
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A prime example being Turkey.
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Back in 2008, Turkey was already in the midst
of a construction boom, and the flooding in
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of billions of dollars in foreign investment
only quickened the pace.
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In the five years between 2011 and 2016, house
prices in Turkey doubled.
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Much of this growth was concentrated in Istanbul,
the sprawling metropolis of over 15 million
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people that once served as the capital of
the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires, and which
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for over two thousands years has remained
the primary bridge between the continents
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of Europe and Asia.
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The dizzying pace of urban transformation
in this former Ottoman capital has been closely
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linked to the dictatorial ambitions of the
country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
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who has sought to use the reconstruction of
Istanbul as a tool for consolidating power
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around a new national identity.
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If we talk about the global capitalist crisis,
it’s obvious that the states are trying
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their best to get over this crisis with the
tool of urban gentrification because they
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have the companies, they have the law making.
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The capitalization process of Istanbul city
is not a new thing, it is a long term project
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of the state.
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We are talking about over 50 years.
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The last 12 years, the process get faster
in the government of the AKP.
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These urban gentrification projects always
has been resource of income for the state.
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These projects has been widely spread and
they started to change the face of the city
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and now they are making it more and more easier
to make this.
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In the beginning, it was only possible to
destroy that building and make a new one with
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a consensus of all people living in.
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But now, they make it majority of people and
the state of emergency also helps to build
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this legal process more and more easier.
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For last four or five years, they are nationalizing
the private spaces.
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By these practices, they are trying to change
the type of capitalist power.
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It is also politic of homogenizing the people.
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Deleting all cultures and force them to be
Muslim, force them to be Sunia Muslim, and
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Turkish people, which is the identity of the
state.
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For Istanbul, you can see there are big walls
which are coming from Ottoman or Byzantine
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time.
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Out of the walls, they have built the slums.
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The builders of the Gejekondu Areas, slum
areas, are so called minorities.
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It’s not just Alevis and Kurds, but also
Roma people.
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People who had immigrated from village to
big cities like Istanbul.
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From the beginning, these neighbourhoods like
Gazi Neighbouhood, like Bir Mayis Neighbourhood,
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and CHKMUNTLU?
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All these neighbourhoods were built with the
participation of the whole community.
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And caring and thinking about of all the needs
of that community.
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So, these slums means more than just spaces
to live, but it’s also a way of relationship
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that people are caring about each other.
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During 1960’s and 1980’s, many revolutionary
organizations have appeared, and this is important
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because next residents of these regions will
be the organizers of the first actions against
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the destruction policy of the state.
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The Taksim riots started against the construction
of a mall.
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The Gezi Park protests became so popular.
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The rioters of Taksim/Gezi achieved the collectivization
of the park, and this is a great example of
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how we can struggle against the gentrification
politics, against the space politics of the
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states and the companies.
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The meaning of the park, the meaning of the
space has been changed.
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People got the control of the park and the
space has a political meaning.
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When we look what happened after Gezi, that
riots, the people coming together and the
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occupation of the Gezi Park becomes something
to hold and many people go on resisting after
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the Gezi Park was evicted.
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The social resistance was very high and people
were not afraid to go on the streets anymore,
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and that also affected in a way urban gentrification
protests and many other protests, but as the
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oppression become more and more visible, and
that social opposition became less and less
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seen, that also has its effects on urban gentrification.
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During one week, the Turkish state have been
killed over 10 young people.
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We are not just talking about of a day, we
are talking about years where people have
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been oppressed politically, socially and economically.
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One of the first things that they are trying
to break is the relationship in these neighbourhoods.
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The culture of resistance and the culture
of solidarity.
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It is not just a struggle against the gentrification
projects.
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It is against the violence and the terror
of the state.
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These days, gentrification can often seem
inevitable.
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It is, after all, a constant process firmly
anchored upon the sanctity of private property
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and the unshakeable logic of the free market.
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According to this cold logic, homes, and the
land that they are built on, are commodities
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like any other.
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It follows, then, that they can be bought
and sold... and if the people living there
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don't hold the deed, there's not much they
can do to stop it.
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Except, of course, there is.
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Because despite what capitalist may claim,
our homes are not commodities like any other.
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They’re much more than that.
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People defending their homes have been primary
agents of struggle for the entirety of human
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history.
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From anti-colonial struggles waged by Indigenous
nations, to peasants taking up arms to defend
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their lands from enclosure and theft... people
tend to fight hard for their homes.
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And while things in cities are different,
and often much more complicated... the basic
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principle is the same.
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I think that it’s important for revolutionaries
and for anti-capitalists and anarchists who
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want to fight a process like gentrification
which is multifaceted to actually be embedded
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in the communities that are affected by gentrification.
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The only way of actually stopping gentrification
is getting out in front of it, and in order
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to get out in front of it, you need to actually
be living there.
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You need to have social relationships with
the people who are going to be displaced,
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and you need to help with them to fight.
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And you know this is not, the sexiest type
of work.
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You have to come in very humble and really
try and support the work that’s being done
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by the people that are the most affected and
not trying to come into anyone’s community
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with like a saviour complex, especially if
you’re white, to try and fix people’s
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problems because usually there’s been communities
of people that have been facing those issues
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for decades, if not hundreds of years.
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I think that the left are often looking for
shortcuts.
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Unfortunately, currently, the left is largely
based around academic spaces and, you know,
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is not necessarily associated with the fabric
of working class people’s lives.
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Ground level tenant driven organizing in buildings
is what’s actually making a lot of change.
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People in their building can work together
build a moment, and fight in a way that they
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can stop these companies from exploiting them
and kick them out of their homes.
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Hundreds of residents here in Parkdale are
heading into their second month refusing to
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pay rent in protest of rent hikes
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Build working class organizations that are
independent from politicians, social service
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agencies, or non-profits.
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You can’t be beholden to anybody’s interests
other than our own.
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It’s not going to be benevolent on the part
of landlords, or a change of heart on the
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part of policy makers that’s going to lead
to the types of changes that tenants need
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to see.
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You have to create your daily life against
system.
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You have to organize your own ways with people
that are not like the capitalist relationships.
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You have to create solidarity.
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You have to care about each other.
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You have to take the responsibility of each
other and you have to be organized, thinking
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about the needs of your community and the
people in your community.
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That comes with responsibility of constantly
trying to bring visibility and attention and
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voice and power to the people who are actually
affected by the injustices.
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Fighting for ways that people can live affordably
in cities and build communities there, for
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social purposes rather than for capitalist
accumulation.
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People tend to be much more satisfied to just
gripe about things as they exist, than to
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actually try to seek out and understand what
is fuelling the process and how they might
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actually go about trying to stop it.
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Housing is allocated by the market, it’s
not allocated according to social need.
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And so, this is why you have these constant
and persistent problems that don’t seem
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to go away.
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Don’t be trapped in the dead ends presented
to us by political and legal systems.
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We need to find our own ways to creatively
struggle in our own interests.
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Everyday with your every action, you have
to fight against, you have to create for your
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struggle.
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Giving struggle against the strategies of
the companies but also strategies of the state.
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And the state- it is an enemy that we have
to struggle.
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Not just urban development projects - every
front.
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You know, let the fire burn.
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They ashes is good for cultivating the land.
-
You dig?
-
And I’m just plant a lot of seed.
-
Grow something else up.
-
In our hyper-atomized and individualistic
societies, we have become incredibly isolated
-
and alienated from one another.
-
Those of us living in multi-residential apartment
blocks can often go years without communicating
-
with our neighbours, beyond the occasional
small-chat when getting on the elevator.
-
We're conditioned to keep our noses out of
other people's business, and to call the cops
-
if we see someone loitering, or if the neighbours
play their music too loud.
-
This divide and conquer strategy is intended
to keep us weak, and incapable of mounting
-
collective resistance to shared hardships.
-
So if we are to avoid the future that capitalists
have in store for us, in which our cities
-
are even further transformed into geographically
segregated and heavily militarized urban enclaves
-
of poverty and wealth, this is a mentality
we must overcome.
-
So at this point, we’d like to remind you
that Trouble is intended to be watched in
-
groups, and to be used as a resource to promote
discussion and collective organizing.
-
Are you interested in organizing your building,
or starting a collective to fight gentrification
-
in your neighbourhood?
-
Consider getting together with some comrades,
organizing a screening of this film, and discussing
-
where to get started.
-
Interested in running regular screenings of
Trouble at your campus, infoshop, community
-
center, or even just at home with friends?
-
Become a Trouble-Maker!
-
For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
with an advanced copy of the show, and a screening
-
kit featuring additional resources and some
questions you can use to get a discussion
-
going.
-
If you can’t afford to support us financially,
no worries!
-
You can stream and/or download all our content
for free off our website: sub.media/trouble.
-
If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics,
or just want to get in touch, drop us a line
-
at trouble@sub.media.
-
Stay tuned next month for our second installment
in this two-part series, as we take a look
-
at three more cities facing the onslaught
of gentrification, and how people there are
-
fighting back.
-
This episode would not have been possible
without the generous support of Fernando,
-
and Miki.
-
Now get out there, and make some trouble!