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    Greetings Troublemakers...
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    welcome to Trouble.
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    My name is not important.
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    Whether you live in a
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    densely-populated metropolis,
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    or a mid-sized city,
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    chances are you've had
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    first-hand experiences
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    dealing with the process
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    of capitalist urbanization
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    known as gentrification.
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    It's called gentrification.
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    They can buy the land at a lower price.
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    Then they move all the people out,
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    raise the property value,
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    and sell it at a profit.
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    While this disease is
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    often popularly associated
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    with its most visible symptoms,
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    like the opening of a new boutique cafe
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    on your block,
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    or the seemingly endless construction
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    of new high-rise condo towers...
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    gentrification is, at its core,
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    a process of displacement.
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    It is class warfare,
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    waged in the physical spaces
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    of our neighbourhoods.
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    It is speculation and investment,
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    financed by banks, investment firms
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    and pension funds,
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    enacted by real estate developers
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    and facilitated by state, regional
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    and local governments.
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    The development of the modern city
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    has always been, and continues to be,
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    intimately tied to the interests
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    of capitalists and the ruling class.
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    Many of the cities that exist today
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    first emerged back in
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    the 18th and 19th century,
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    often in tandem with
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    the development and spread
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    of industrial manufacturing
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    and resource extraction.
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    Early capitalists required
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    massive numbers of workers to toil
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    in their factories and mines,
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    and so people were forced off the land
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    and into concentrated urban populations,
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    where they often lived
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    in squalor and misery.
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    In much of the Global South,
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    this phenomenon is still taking place,
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    as farmers and Indigenous communities
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    are pushed off their lands and forced
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    to move to cities to work in factories
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    or precarious jobs in informal
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    and black market economies.
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    In 2014, the UN estimated that
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    for the first time in human history,
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    more than half of us lived in cities.
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    This trend is only set to increase..
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    and by far the fastest rate of urban
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    population growth is occurring in
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    sprawling and overcrowded
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    mega-slums.
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    Meanwhile, in the Global North,
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    today's metropolitan cities have become
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    the command and control centres
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    for transnational corporations,
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    hubs of global finance,
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    and incubators of the dynamic new
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    flag-bearers of the so-called
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    information economy.
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    Yet at the same time,
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    decades of corporate off-shoring
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    and neoliberal structural adjustments
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    have created deep reservoirs
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    of inequality.
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    Gentrification is a byproduct
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    of this contradiction.
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    A process whereby cities
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    and neighbourhoods
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    regenerate themselves
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    by displacing working-class people
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    to suburban ghettos in order to make
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    more room for the lavish lifestyles
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    of the rich.
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    Over the next thirty minutes,
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    we will look at gentrification
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    as a structural phenomenon,
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    and examine how it is playing out
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    in three megacities:
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    Toronto, New Orleans and Istanbul.
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    Along the way,
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    we will highlight the voices of a number
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    of individuals who are organizing
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    with their neighbours,
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    fighting back against the state
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    and corporate developers...
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    and making a whole lot of trouble.
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    Since the financial crisis in 2008,
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    we’ve increasingly seen
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    the financialization of
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    the rental housing sector.
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    Financialization is a bit of
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    a complicated term.
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    What it really refers to is this shift
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    in the way that capitalism
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    has been operating,
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    and a change that's taken place
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    since about the 1970’s.
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    So a shift from capital accumulation
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    coming from commodity production
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    to coming through financial channels.
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    And what this has also involved is
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    an increasing role for finance capital
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    in other parts of the economy where
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    it hadn’t previously played
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    a prominent role,
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    and then enforcing on those
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    parts of the economy, logics of finance.
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    Today, big money is made in cities.
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    The real estate market is currently
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    the largest sector of
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    the Canadian economy.
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    If you look at the biggest landlords
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    in the country, 18 out of the top 20
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    would fall under the category
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    of these financialized landlords.
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    You see things like hedge funds
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    and pension funds that are invested
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    in different local housing markets
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    because it’s seen as a relatively
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    safe investment.
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    Fincialized investment in Canada
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    has been growing since the 1990’s.
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    Real Estate Investment Trusts
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    are increasingly taking over
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    the rental housing market.
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    Since 1996,
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    Real Estate Investment Trusts,
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    or REIT’s, in particular,
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    have grown from owning zero
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    multi-family apartment suites,
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    to owning over 160 000.
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    Such that now they own
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    about ten percent of privately-built
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    multi-family housing in the country.
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    Real Estate Investment Trusts
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    allow investors to pool capital together
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    to purchase real estate
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    and the real estate itself
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    then gets managed in a way
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    to try and increase its value
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    and generate profits
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    back to those investors.
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    So real estate investment trusts
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    have access to tremendous amounts
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    of capital and can buy large portfolios
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    of buildings as they grow.
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    And then they can take advantage of
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    economies of scale to make
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    those buildings more profitable.
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    What they call this is "re-positioning."
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    This has created a situation where
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    all landlords across the board
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    have been forced to take on
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    certain strategies to increase profits
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    in order to compete on that market.
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    Housing prices have been going up
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    in Canada and indeed
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    other parts of the world.
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    Canada’s been hit particularly hard.
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    One of the hottest real estate markets
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    where we’ve seen the largest increase
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    in property values has been Toronto.
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    In Ontario,
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    the government sets an annual
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    rent guideline.
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    This is the amount that landlords
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    are legally permitted to
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    raise rents for sitting tenants.
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    The guideline in 2017 was 1.5 percent.
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    Yet we saw a 6% overall
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    increase in rents.
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    And so landlords have been able
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    to raise rents beyond
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    the provincial guideline
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    primarily through vacancy decontrol.
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    Since the 90’s we’ve had no rent control
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    on vacant units.
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    So this creates a pressure
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    to try and make units vacant
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    so that the rent can be increased
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    up to whatever the market will bear.
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    In the last year,
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    the average price for a one bedroom
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    unit in Toronto has increased
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    to over $2000.
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    The pattern that we’ve seen
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    has been one of increasing social and
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    spacial inequality in this city.
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    So a pattern towards gentrification
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    in the urban core.
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    The demographic data
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    is really very clear.
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    It shows that downtown Toronto
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    and the corridors along subway lines
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    are essentially enclaves
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    for rich white people.
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    The majority of working-class,
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    heavily racialized population
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    is being pushed out
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    into the inner suburbs
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    or is struggling to stay
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    in a few remaining areas
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    in and around downtown Toronto,
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    including places like Parkdale
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    and the Queen and Sherbourne area.
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    Rising house prices in Toronto
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    have also created a situation where
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    many young professionals in the market
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    for their first homes
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    have been priced out of the city.
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    So we’re seeing a lot of young
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    professional people trying to buy property
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    in cities like Hamilton.
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    The city of Hamilton’s cool quotient
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    has been on the rise for some time,
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    but the prosperity that’s got some
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    celebrating has others worried about
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    whether the urban renaissance there
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    could be leaving some people behind.
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    Hamilton is a mid size city in southern Ontario
    and for most of its history, Hamilton was
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    a large steel manufacturer.
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    It’s still known as the “Steel Town”
    although for years now, the steel industry
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    has been shrinking, and now it’s trying
    to essentially recreate itself as a “artistic
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    hub” and kind of draw in creative professionals
    from the greater Toronto Area.
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    Because of Hamilton’s physical proximity
    to Toronto, we have kind of a secondary wave
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    of gentrification happening in Hamilton.
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    The province of Ontario has regional population
    targets and a general idea about where they
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    want to see population growth happening.
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    In order to facilitate this and in order to
    integrate some of the metropolitan areas,
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    they’ve invested in larger scale transportation
    infrastructure.
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    One such initiative is the Go Transit Network
    which is a fleet of busses and trains which
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    link commuters from the greater Toronto Area.
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    Hamilton has two new Go Transit Hubs in the
    works.
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    One in the east and one in the north of downtown.
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    Both of these are aimed at making Hamilton
    more attractive as a potential bedroom community
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    of Toronto.
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    And beyond that, the province is also funding
    a light rail transit or LRT line in Hamilton
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    which is going to run the length of the lower
    city from Mcmaster University in the west,
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    out to Stoney Creek in the very east end of
    the city.
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    This project is really going to open up the
    city to gentrification.
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    This is essentially a state led strategy of
    urban intensification and the levels of development
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    that accompany it.
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    Despite the upheaval and mass displacement
    that it brings in its wake, gentrification
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    is usually a pretty gradual process, and one
    that traditionally tends to take place in
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    stages.
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    Stereotypically, it starts with artists, students
    and hipsters of various stripes moving into
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    a working-class neighbourhood, drawn to the
    area by its cheap rents.
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    These new arrivals bring with them increased
    social capital and disposable income, and
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    soon a host of new cafes, restaurants, bars
    and art galleries begin to spring up to cater
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    to their tastes.
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    From there, the area starts to get a buzz,
    and real estate agents begin promoting it
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    as an up-and-coming neighbourhood.
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    Homeowners decide to cash in on rising property
    values, while long-standing working-class
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    and racialized tenants are priced, or otherwise
    pushed out.
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    More middle-class residents move in, rents
    go up... and the cycle repeats until the area
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    is completely transformed into a sterile playground
    for the rich.
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    That's how the story goes, anyway.
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    In reality, this oversimplified formula for
    gentrification ignores the important role
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    that developers, finance capital, police and
    urban planners at various levels of government
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    play in coordinating the process.
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    But even when all those variables are factored
    in, the fact remains that gentrification generally
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    still takes years to play out... for the simple
    reason that it's hard to displace large numbers
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    of poor people from their homes in one fell
    swoop.
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    Except of course... when the powerful forces
    pushing gentrification get a little helping
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    hand from the even more powerful forces of
    Mother Nature.
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    You’ve got Pagoda’s over there, you’ve
    got the Church of Yoga over here, you’ve
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    got the Uber building down the street, so
    you’ve got all these little spots here and
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    there that are quickly making it so this is
    actually a high traffic area of primarily
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    white people that are not from here carrying
    yoga mats.
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    That’s what this area, it used to be a very
    poor area, got replaced with.
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    I’ve seen this city go through changes in
    my life.
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    The building of the Crescent City Connection-
    that bridge transformed this community in
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    a multitude of ways.
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    With that bridge came urban renewal.
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    One of the oldest African Communities was
    displaced in order to build a housing project.
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    The third would be Betsy, Hurricane Betsy.
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    Because of Besty, people that would normally
    be still living down by the Bayou or the 9th
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    ward, would have just remained in those areas.
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    But because of the devastation of those communities,
    it forced them to come into a community that
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    was being rebuilt and reborn, and then Katrina.
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    Out of all of them, Katrina was the worst.
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    It had the most devastating impact.
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    I moved to New Orleans in 2014.
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    I’m from Venezuela and my country’s consulate
    had closed down in Miami so I came here to
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    get my passport.
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    There was also some immigration restrictions
    that encouraged me to move here.
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    A big factor was connected to gentrification,
    which is moving here because housing was more
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    affordable after Katrina and because employment
    was something I could find here more accessible
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    than in South Florida.
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    Because of Katrina and the great displacement
    of local communities after Katrina and during
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    Katrina, to be a guest in this city and to
    be a resident in this city post Katrina, and
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    be a respectful guest, you have to be very
    aware of the racial dynamics of who has been
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    displaced and who has been the demographic
    replacing the people who are no longer able
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    to come back to the city, alongside with millions
    of dynamics that go anywhere from microagressions
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    to being a major player of gentrification
    and in the systems that are negatively impacting
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    and negatively affecting the communities here.
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    Katrina was also the very first major disaster
    where Fema came under homeland security.
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    The first two weeks after Katrina, it was
    all about security.
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    You know, it felt like all those that matter
    had left.
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    Those who was left in the city, don’t even
    really matter.
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    And they made that crystal clear by their
    action.
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    With that and the advent of disaster capitalism.
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    Seeing everything from trash removal, to the
    removal of bodies- was held up until certain
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    individuals got they contracts.
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    You had billions of dollars that was allocated
    to a city with a population of less than half
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    a million.
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    Billions.
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    But it impacted no one that really had the
    needs.
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    The needs of the community have gone unaddressed
    and instead what has been prioritized has
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    been profit and the passing of policies that
    have been geared towards making profit from
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    the displacement of people.
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    Looking at prisons and the jail systems now,
    and how much of the money that the government
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    gives is still going towards allegedly restoring
    or rebuilding or expanding the jail or the
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    prisons or rebuilding or expanding new hospitals
    which are more for profit and they’re not
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    as affordable.
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    With all these examples you can see how the
    city systemically is still taking money from
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    the disaster and still profiting from the
    displacement of the community here and investing
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    that money in for profit projects that are
    geared towards tourists or geared towards
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    upper class guests or upper class residents
    as opposed to working class communities and
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    poor communities, and particularly communities
    of colour which was the majority of people
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    in New Orleans before Katrina.
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    People are being priced out of their homes.
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    A unit that was maybe 500 during pre-Katrina,
    now was somewhere around 12.
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    Developers are coming in, and now you have
    the advent of the Air B&B, you know you have
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    a New Orleans that is constantly being transformed
    around us.
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    You see a lot of whites and others coming
    in to predominantly African American community.
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    Directly after Katrina, everybody basically
    had to evacuate the city.
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    A lot of the housing that could have been
    restored, was not restored.
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    Instead it was taken down and new housing
    that’s not affordable was built up or businesses
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    were built up.
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    In general, we’ve seen almost no efforts
    to bring back people that were displaced by
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    Katrina, and instead we’re seeing efforts
    to continue to profit from making more tourist
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    hot spots.
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    The industry that’s really running the city
    is tourism.
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    White tourism.
  • 16:43 - 16:46
    And it’s controlled by white dollars.
  • 16:46 - 16:52
    And they control not only the white tourism,
    but they control about 90 percent of the black
  • 16:52 - 16:53
    tourism.
  • 16:53 - 16:57
    A lot of the money that’s being given to
    New Orleans from the government is going to
  • 16:57 - 17:03
    the expansion of prisons or the attempts at
    building new prisons.
  • 17:03 - 17:08
    It’s a completely a for-profit organization,
    so a lot of the money is being either misplaced
  • 17:08 - 17:19
    into making more profit from poverty and crime
    and displacement, or it’s being put into
  • 17:19 - 17:31
    development that is to better assist the communities
    that are not from New Orleans, so it’s being
  • 17:31 - 17:46
    put to renovate big businesses or to make
    the business sectors and the upper class sector
  • 17:46 - 18:12
    and the tourism sector in the city better
    and it’s not being distributed in the places
  • 18:12 - 18:16
    that it’s the most needed.
  • 18:16 - 18:24
    This is a city that’s ran by the police
    because it’s ran by tourism.
  • 18:24 - 18:33
    And in order for tourism needs to survive,
    it’s got to be protected.
  • 18:33 - 18:43
    But you try to tell the police- it don’t
    have nowhere near the impact of poverty.
  • 18:43 - 18:46
    That’s the most cruel thing.
  • 18:46 - 18:57
    You know, you be living on a block, where
    there only one person got a Mercedes, you
  • 18:57 - 18:58
    dig?
  • 18:58 - 18:59
    And you catchin’ a bus.
  • 18:59 - 19:05
    Ten years ago, the international financial
    system nearly collapsed.
  • 19:05 - 19:14
    A historically unprecedented housing bubble
    in the United States burst, setting off a
  • 19:14 - 19:36
    chain reaction that ended up threatening the
    institutional pillars of global capitalism
  • 19:36 - 19:40
    itself.
  • 19:40 - 19:52
    As millions of people lost their homes, governments
    around the world scrambled to bail out the
  • 19:52 - 19:57
    banks and pump money back into the global
    economy.
  • 19:57 - 20:00
    But rather than spending that money on rebuilding
    the local communities that they'd just destroyed,
  • 20:00 - 20:02
    the banks poured that money into a number
    of so-called 'emerging economies'.
  • 20:02 - 20:03
    A prime example being Turkey.
  • 20:03 - 20:05
    Back in 2008, Turkey was already in the midst
    of a construction boom, and the flooding in
  • 20:05 - 20:06
    of billions of dollars in foreign investment
    only quickened the pace.
  • 20:06 - 20:07
    In the five years between 2011 and 2016, house
    prices in Turkey doubled.
  • 20:07 - 20:08
    Much of this growth was concentrated in Istanbul,
    the sprawling metropolis of over 15 million
  • 20:08 - 20:09
    people that once served as the capital of
    the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires, and which
  • 20:09 - 20:10
    for over two thousands years has remained
    the primary bridge between the continents
  • 20:10 - 20:11
    of Europe and Asia.
  • 20:11 - 20:12
    The dizzying pace of urban transformation
    in this former Ottoman capital has been closely
  • 20:12 - 20:13
    linked to the dictatorial ambitions of the
    country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
  • 20:13 - 20:14
    who has sought to use the reconstruction of
    Istanbul as a tool for consolidating power
  • 20:14 - 20:15
    around a new national identity.
  • 20:15 - 20:16
    If we talk about the global capitalist crisis,
    it’s obvious that the states are trying
  • 20:16 - 20:17
    their best to get over this crisis with the
    tool of urban gentrification because they
  • 20:17 - 20:18
    have the companies, they have the law making.
  • 20:18 - 20:19
    The capitalization process of Istanbul city
    is not a new thing, it is a long term project
  • 20:19 - 20:20
    of the state.
  • 20:20 - 20:21
    We are talking about over 50 years.
  • 20:21 - 20:22
    The last 12 years, the process get faster
    in the government of the AKP.
  • 20:22 - 20:23
    These urban gentrification projects always
    has been resource of income for the state.
  • 20:23 - 20:24
    These projects has been widely spread and
    they started to change the face of the city
  • 20:24 - 20:25
    and now they are making it more and more easier
    to make this.
  • 20:25 - 20:29
    In the beginning, it was only possible to
    destroy that building and make a new one with
  • 20:29 - 20:33
    a consensus of all people living in.
  • 20:33 - 20:41
    But now, they make it majority of people and
    the state of emergency also helps to build
  • 20:41 - 20:44
    this legal process more and more easier.
  • 20:44 - 20:51
    For last four or five years, they are nationalizing
    the private spaces.
  • 20:51 - 20:57
    By these practices, they are trying to change
    the type of capitalist power.
  • 20:57 - 21:04
    It is also politic of homogenizing the people.
  • 21:04 - 21:11
    Deleting all cultures and force them to be
    Muslim, force them to be Sunia Muslim, and
  • 21:11 - 21:15
    Turkish people, which is the identity of the
    state.
  • 21:15 - 21:24
    For Istanbul, you can see there are big walls
    which are coming from Ottoman or Byzantine
  • 21:24 - 21:25
    time.
  • 21:25 - 21:29
    Out of the walls, they have built the slums.
  • 21:29 - 21:36
    The builders of the Gejekondu Areas, slum
    areas, are so called minorities.
  • 21:36 - 21:42
    It’s not just Alevis and Kurds, but also
    Roma people.
  • 21:42 - 21:48
    People who had immigrated from village to
    big cities like Istanbul.
  • 21:48 - 21:54
    From the beginning, these neighbourhoods like
    Gazi Neighbouhood, like Bir Mayis Neighbourhood,
  • 21:54 - 21:56
    and CHKMUNTLU?
  • 21:56 - 22:03
    All these neighbourhoods were built with the
    participation of the whole community.
  • 22:03 - 22:06
    And caring and thinking about of all the needs
    of that community.
  • 22:06 - 22:13
    So, these slums means more than just spaces
    to live, but it’s also a way of relationship
  • 22:13 - 22:18
    that people are caring about each other.
  • 22:18 - 22:28
    During 1960’s and 1980’s, many revolutionary
    organizations have appeared, and this is important
  • 22:28 - 22:35
    because next residents of these regions will
    be the organizers of the first actions against
  • 22:35 - 22:42
    the destruction policy of the state.
  • 22:42 - 23:07
    The Taksim riots started against the construction
    of a mall.
  • 23:07 - 23:10
    The Gezi Park protests became so popular.
  • 23:10 - 23:24
    The rioters of Taksim/Gezi achieved the collectivization
    of the park, and this is a great example of
  • 23:24 - 23:31
    how we can struggle against the gentrification
    politics, against the space politics of the
  • 23:31 - 23:33
    states and the companies.
  • 23:33 - 23:39
    The meaning of the park, the meaning of the
    space has been changed.
  • 23:39 - 23:47
    People got the control of the park and the
    space has a political meaning.
  • 23:47 - 23:58
    When we look what happened after Gezi, that
    riots, the people coming together and the
  • 23:58 - 24:01
    occupation of the Gezi Park becomes something
    to hold and many people go on resisting after
  • 24:01 - 24:04
    the Gezi Park was evicted.
  • 24:04 - 24:13
    The social resistance was very high and people
    were not afraid to go on the streets anymore,
  • 24:13 - 24:27
    and that also affected in a way urban gentrification
    protests and many other protests, but as the
  • 24:27 - 24:32
    oppression become more and more visible, and
    that social opposition became less and less
  • 24:32 - 24:38
    seen, that also has its effects on urban gentrification.
  • 24:38 - 24:41
    During one week, the Turkish state have been
    killed over 10 young people.
  • 24:41 - 24:48
    We are not just talking about of a day, we
    are talking about years where people have
  • 24:48 - 24:53
    been oppressed politically, socially and economically.
  • 24:53 - 25:00
    One of the first things that they are trying
    to break is the relationship in these neighbourhoods.
  • 25:00 - 25:03
    The culture of resistance and the culture
    of solidarity.
  • 25:03 - 25:10
    It is not just a struggle against the gentrification
    projects.
  • 25:10 - 25:21
    It is against the violence and the terror
    of the state.
  • 25:21 - 25:24
    These days, gentrification can often seem
    inevitable.
  • 25:24 - 25:29
    It is, after all, a constant process firmly
    anchored upon the sanctity of private property
  • 25:29 - 25:37
    and the unshakeable logic of the free market.
  • 25:37 - 25:45
    According to this cold logic, homes, and the
    land that they are built on, are commodities
  • 25:45 - 25:46
    like any other.
  • 25:46 - 25:50
    It follows, then, that they can be bought
    and sold... and if the people living there
  • 25:50 - 25:53
    don't hold the deed, there's not much they
    can do to stop it.
  • 25:53 - 25:56
    Except, of course, there is.
  • 25:56 - 26:00
    Because despite what capitalist may claim,
    our homes are not commodities like any other.
  • 26:00 - 26:02
    They’re much more than that.
  • 26:02 - 26:07
    People defending their homes have been primary
    agents of struggle for the entirety of human
  • 26:07 - 26:08
    history.
  • 26:08 - 26:12
    From anti-colonial struggles waged by Indigenous
    nations, to peasants taking up arms to defend
  • 26:12 - 26:16
    their lands from enclosure and theft... people
    tend to fight hard for their homes.
  • 26:16 - 26:20
    And while things in cities are different,
    and often much more complicated... the basic
  • 26:20 - 26:22
    principle is the same.
  • 26:22 - 26:27
    I think that it’s important for revolutionaries
    and for anti-capitalists and anarchists who
  • 26:27 - 26:31
    want to fight a process like gentrification
    which is multifaceted to actually be embedded
  • 26:31 - 26:34
    in the communities that are affected by gentrification.
  • 26:34 - 26:38
    The only way of actually stopping gentrification
    is getting out in front of it, and in order
  • 26:38 - 26:43
    to get out in front of it, you need to actually
    be living there.
  • 26:43 - 26:47
    You need to have social relationships with
    the people who are going to be displaced,
  • 26:47 - 26:49
    and you need to help with them to fight.
  • 26:49 - 26:52
    And you know this is not, the sexiest type
    of work.
  • 26:52 - 26:58
    You have to come in very humble and really
    try and support the work that’s being done
  • 26:58 - 27:03
    by the people that are the most affected and
    not trying to come into anyone’s community
  • 27:03 - 27:08
    with like a saviour complex, especially if
    you’re white, to try and fix people’s
  • 27:08 - 27:12
    problems because usually there’s been communities
    of people that have been facing those issues
  • 27:12 - 27:16
    for decades, if not hundreds of years.
  • 27:16 - 27:22
    I think that the left are often looking for
    shortcuts.
  • 27:22 - 27:29
    Unfortunately, currently, the left is largely
    based around academic spaces and, you know,
  • 27:29 - 27:34
    is not necessarily associated with the fabric
    of working class people’s lives.
  • 27:34 - 27:39
    Ground level tenant driven organizing in buildings
    is what’s actually making a lot of change.
  • 27:39 - 27:44
    People in their building can work together
    build a moment, and fight in a way that they
  • 27:44 - 27:50
    can stop these companies from exploiting them
    and kick them out of their homes.
  • 27:50 - 27:54
    Hundreds of residents here in Parkdale are
    heading into their second month refusing to
  • 27:54 - 27:57
    pay rent in protest of rent hikes
  • 27:57 - 28:03
    Build working class organizations that are
    independent from politicians, social service
  • 28:03 - 28:04
    agencies, or non-profits.
  • 28:04 - 28:10
    You can’t be beholden to anybody’s interests
    other than our own.
  • 28:10 - 28:16
    It’s not going to be benevolent on the part
    of landlords, or a change of heart on the
  • 28:16 - 28:28
    part of policy makers that’s going to lead
    to the types of changes that tenants need
  • 28:28 - 28:29
    to see.
  • 28:29 - 28:30
    You have to create your daily life against
    system.
  • 28:30 - 28:31
    You have to organize your own ways with people
    that are not like the capitalist relationships.
  • 28:31 - 28:32
    You have to create solidarity.
  • 28:32 - 28:33
    You have to care about each other.
  • 28:33 - 28:34
    You have to take the responsibility of each
    other and you have to be organized, thinking
  • 28:34 - 28:42
    about the needs of your community and the
    people in your community.
  • 28:42 - 28:52
    That comes with responsibility of constantly
    trying to bring visibility and attention and
  • 28:52 - 28:57
    voice and power to the people who are actually
    affected by the injustices.
  • 28:57 - 29:03
    Fighting for ways that people can live affordably
    in cities and build communities there, for
  • 29:03 - 29:06
    social purposes rather than for capitalist
    accumulation.
  • 29:06 - 29:12
    People tend to be much more satisfied to just
    gripe about things as they exist, than to
  • 29:12 - 29:17
    actually try to seek out and understand what
    is fuelling the process and how they might
  • 29:17 - 29:19
    actually go about trying to stop it.
  • 29:19 - 29:22
    Housing is allocated by the market, it’s
    not allocated according to social need.
  • 29:22 - 29:26
    And so, this is why you have these constant
    and persistent problems that don’t seem
  • 29:26 - 29:27
    to go away.
  • 29:27 - 29:34
    Don’t be trapped in the dead ends presented
    to us by political and legal systems.
  • 29:34 - 29:38
    We need to find our own ways to creatively
    struggle in our own interests.
  • 29:38 - 29:54
    Everyday with your every action, you have
    to fight against, you have to create for your
  • 29:54 - 29:55
    struggle.
  • 29:55 - 30:00
    Giving struggle against the strategies of
    the companies but also strategies of the state.
  • 30:00 - 30:06
    And the state- it is an enemy that we have
    to struggle.
  • 30:06 - 30:10
    Not just urban development projects - every
    front.
  • 30:10 - 30:11
    You know, let the fire burn.
  • 30:11 - 30:14
    They ashes is good for cultivating the land.
  • 30:14 - 30:16
    You dig?
  • 30:16 - 30:24
    And I’m just plant a lot of seed.
  • 30:24 - 30:27
    Grow something else up.
  • 30:27 - 30:32
    In our hyper-atomized and individualistic
    societies, we have become incredibly isolated
  • 30:32 - 30:34
    and alienated from one another.
  • 30:34 - 30:38
    Those of us living in multi-residential apartment
    blocks can often go years without communicating
  • 30:38 - 30:41
    with our neighbours, beyond the occasional
    small-chat when getting on the elevator.
  • 30:41 - 30:46
    We're conditioned to keep our noses out of
    other people's business, and to call the cops
  • 30:46 - 30:50
    if we see someone loitering, or if the neighbours
    play their music too loud.
  • 30:50 - 30:55
    This divide and conquer strategy is intended
    to keep us weak, and incapable of mounting
  • 30:55 - 30:56
    collective resistance to shared hardships.
  • 30:56 - 31:01
    So if we are to avoid the future that capitalists
    have in store for us, in which our cities
  • 31:01 - 31:02
    are even further transformed into geographically
    segregated and heavily militarized urban enclaves
  • 31:02 - 31:09
    of poverty and wealth, this is a mentality
    we must overcome.
  • 31:09 - 31:15
    So at this point, we’d like to remind you
    that Trouble is intended to be watched in
  • 31:15 - 31:18
    groups, and to be used as a resource to promote
    discussion and collective organizing.
  • 31:18 - 31:23
    Are you interested in organizing your building,
    or starting a collective to fight gentrification
  • 31:23 - 31:24
    in your neighbourhood?
  • 31:24 - 31:28
    Consider getting together with some comrades,
    organizing a screening of this film, and discussing
  • 31:28 - 31:29
    where to get started.
  • 31:29 - 31:33
    Interested in running regular screenings of
    Trouble at your campus, infoshop, community
  • 31:33 - 31:35
    center, or even just at home with friends?
  • 31:35 - 31:36
    Become a Trouble-Maker!
  • 31:36 - 31:40
    For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
    with an advanced copy of the show, and a screening
  • 31:40 - 31:44
    kit featuring additional resources and some
    questions you can use to get a discussion
  • 31:44 - 31:45
    going.
  • 31:45 - 31:47
    If you can’t afford to support us financially,
    no worries!
  • 31:47 - 31:51
    You can stream and/or download all our content
    for free off our website: sub.media/trouble.
  • 31:51 - 31:58
    If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics,
    or just want to get in touch, drop us a line
  • 31:58 - 32:00
    at trouble@sub.media.
  • 32:00 - 32:21
    Stay tuned next month for our second installment
    in this two-part series, as we take a look
  • 32:21 - 32:26
    at three more cities facing the onslaught
    of gentrification, and how people there are
  • 32:26 - 32:28
    fighting back.
  • 32:28 - 32:49
    This episode would not have been possible
    without the generous support of Fernando,
  • 32:49 - 32:51
    and Miki.
  • 32:51 - 33:01
    Now get out there, and make some trouble!
Title:
vimeo.com/.../266955645
Video Language:
English
Duration:
32:41

English subtitles

Revisions