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I want to speak about a forgotten conflict.
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It's a conflict that rarely
hits the headlines.
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It happens right here,
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in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
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Now, most people outside of Africa
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don't know much about the war in Congo,
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so let me give you
a couple of key facts.
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The Congolese conflict
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is the deadliest conflict
since World War II.
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It has caused almost four million deaths.
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It has destabilized most of central Africa
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for the past 18 years.
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It is the largest ongoing
humanitarian crisis in the world.
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That's why I first went to Congo in 2001.
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I was a young humanitarian aid worker,
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and I met this woman who was my age.
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She was called Isabelle.
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Local militias has attacked Isabelle's village.
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They had killed many men,
raped many women.
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They had looted everything.
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And then they wanted to take Isabelle,
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but her husband stepped in,
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and he said, "No,
please don't take Isabelle.
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Take me instead."
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So he had gone to the forest
with the militias,
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and Isabelle had never seen him again.
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Well, it's because of people
like Isabelle and her husband
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that I have devoted my career
to studying this world
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that we know so little about.
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Although there is one story
about Congo that you may have heard.
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It's a story about minerals and rape.
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Policy statements and media reports
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both usually focus on a primary cause
of violence in Congo
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-- the illegal exploitation
and trafficking of natural resources --
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and on the main consequence
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-- sexual abuse of women and girls
as a weapon of war.
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So, not that these two issues
aren't important and tragic.
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They are, but today,
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I want to tell you a different story.
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I want to tell you a story
that emphasizes a core cause
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of the ongoing conflict.
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Violence in Congo
is in large part driven
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by local bottom-up conflicts
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that international peace efforts
have failed to help address.
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The story starts from the fact
that not only is Congo notable
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for being the world's worst
ongoing humanitarian crisis,
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but it is also home
to some of the largest
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international peacebuilding
efforts in the world.
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Congo hosts the largest
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and most expensive United Nations
peacekeeping mission in the world.
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It was also the site of the first
European-led peacekeeping mission,
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and for its first cases ever,
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the International Criminal Court
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chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.
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In 2006, when Congo held
the first free national elections
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in its history,
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many observers thought
that an end to violence in the region
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had finally come.
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The international community
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lauded the successful
organization of these elections
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as finally an example
of successful international intervention
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in a failed state.
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But the eastern provinces
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have continued to face
massive population displacements
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and horrific human rights violations.
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Shortly before I went
back there last summer,
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there was a horrible massacre
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in the province of South Kivu.
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Thirty-three people were killed.
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They were mostly women and children,
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and many of them were hacked to death.
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During the past eight years,
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fighting in the eastern provinces
has regularly reignited
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full-scale civil and international war.
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So basically, every time we feel
that we are on the brink of peace,
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the conflict explodes again.
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Why?
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Why have the massive international efforts
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failed to help Congo achieve lasting peace
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and security?
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Well, my answer to this question
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revolves around two central observations.
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First, one of the main reasons
for the continuation of violence in Congo
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is fundamentally local,
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and when I say local,
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I really mean at the level
of the individual, the family,
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the clan, the municipality,
the community, the district,
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sometimes the ethnic group.
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For instance, you remember the story
of Isabelle that I told you.
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Well, the reason why militias
had attacked Isabelle's village
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was because they wanted to take the land
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that the villagers needed
to cultivate food and to survive.
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The second central observation
is that international peace efforts
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have failed to help
address local conflicts
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because of the presence
of a dominant peacebuilding culture.
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So what I mean is that
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Western and African diplomats,
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United Nations peacekeepers, donors,
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the staff of most
nongovernmental organizations
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that work with the resolution of conflict,
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they all share a specific way
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of seeing the world.
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And I was one of these people,
and I shared this culture,
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so I know all too well how powerful it is.
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Throughout the world,
and throughout conflict zones,
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this common culture shapes
the intervener's understanding
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of the causes of violence
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as something that is primarily located
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in the national and international spheres.
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It shapes our understanding
of the path to world peace
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as something again that requires
top down intervention
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to address national
and international tensions.
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And it shapes our understanding
of the roles of foreign actors
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as engaging in national
and international peace processes.
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Even more importantly,
this common culture
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enables international peacebuilders
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to ignore the micro-level tensions
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that often jeopardize
the macro-level settlements.
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So for instance, in Congo,
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because of how they are
socialized and trained,
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United Nations officials,
donors, diplomats,
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the staff of most
nongovernmental organizations,
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they interpret continued fighting
and massacres as a top-down problem.
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To them, the violence they see
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is the consequence of tensions
between President Kabila
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and various national opponents,
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and tensions between Congo,
Rwanda, and Uganda.
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In addition, these
international peacebuilders
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view local conflicts
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as simply the result
of national and international tensions,
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insufficient state authority,
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and what they call
the Congolese people's
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so-called "inherent
penchant for violence."
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The dominant culture
also constructs intervention
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at the national and international levels
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as the only natural and legitimate task
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for United Nations staffers and diplomats.
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And it elevates the organization
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of general elections,
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which is now a sort of cure-all,
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as the most crucial state
reconstruction mechanisms
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over more effective
state-building approaches.
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And that happens not only in Congo
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but also in many other conflict zones.
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But let's dig deeper,
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into the other main sources of violence.
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In Congo, continuing violence
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is motivated not only by the national
and international causes
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but also by longstanding
bottom-up agendas
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whose main instigators
are villagers, traditional chiefs,
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community chiefs, or ethnic leaders.
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Many conflicts revolve around political,
social, and economic stakes
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that are distinctively local.
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For instance, there is
a lot of competition
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at the village or district level
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over who can be chief of village
or chief of territory
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according to traditional law,
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and who can control
the distribution of land
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and the exploitation
of local mining sites.
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This competition often results
in localized fighting,
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for instance in one village or territory,
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and quite frequently,
it escalates into generalized fighting,
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so across a whole province,
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and even at times
into neighboring countries.
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Take the conflict
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between Congolese of Rwandan descent
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and the so-called indigenous communities
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of the Kivus.
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This conflict started in the 1930s
during Belgian colonization,
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when both communities competed
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over access to land and to local power.
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Then, in 1960,
after Congolese independence,
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it escalated because each camp
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tried to align with national politicians
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but still to address their local agendas.
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And then, at the time
of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,
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these local actors allied
with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,
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but still to advance their local agendas
in the province of the Kivus.
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And since then, these local disputes
over land and local power
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have fueled violence,
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and they have regularly jeopardized
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the national and
international settlements.
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So we can wonder why
in these circumstances
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the international peacebuilders
have failed to help implement
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local peacebuilding programs.
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And the answer is that
international interveners
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deem the resolution of grassroots conflict
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an unimportant, unfamiliar,
and illegitimate task.
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The very idea of becoming involved
at the local level clashes fundamentally
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with existing cultural norms,
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and it threatens
key organizational interests.
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Ffor instance, the very identity
of the United Nations
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as this macro-level
diplomatic organization
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would be upended
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if it were to refocus on local conflicts.
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And the result is that
neither the internal resistance
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to the dominant ways of working
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nor the external shocks
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have managed to convince
international actors
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that they should reevaluate
their understanding
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of violence and intervention.
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And so far, there have been
only very few exceptions.
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There have been exceptions,
but only very few exceptions
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to this broad pattern.
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So to wrap up,
the story I just told you
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is a story about how
a dominant peacebuilding culture
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shapes the intervener's understanding
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of what the causes of violence are,
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how peace is made,
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and what interventions should accomplish.
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These understandings enable
international peacebuilders
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to ignore the micro-level foundations
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that are so necessary
for sustainable peace.
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The resulting inattention
to local conflicts
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leads to inadequate peacebuilding
in the short term
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and potential war resumption
in the long term.
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And what's fascinating
is that this analysis
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helps us to better understand
many cases of lasting conflict
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and international intervention failures,
in Africa and elsewhere.
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Local conflicts fuel violence
in most war and post-war environments,
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from Afghanistan to Sudan
to Timor-Leste,
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and in the rare cases
where there have been comprehensive,
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bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives,
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these attempts have been successful
at making peace sustainable.
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One of the best examples is the contrast
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between the relatively peaceful
situation in Somaliland,
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which benefited from sustained
grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,
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and the violence prevalent
in the rest of Somalia,
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where peacebuilding
has been mostly top-down.
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And there are several other cases
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in which local, grassroots
conflict resolution
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has made a crucial difference.
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So if we want international
peacebuilding to work,
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in addition to any top-down intervention,
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conflicts must be resolved
from the bottom up.
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And again, it's not that national
and international tensions don't matter.
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They do.
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And it's not that national
and international peacepbuilding
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isn't necessary.
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It is.
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Instead, it is that both macro-level
and micro-level peacebuilding are needed
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to make peace sustainable,
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and local nongovernmental organizations,
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local authorities,
and civil society representatives
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should be the main actors
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in the bottom-up process.
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So of course, there are obstacles.
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Local actors often lack the funding
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and sometimes the logistical means
and the technical capacity
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to implement effective,
local peacebuilding programs.
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So international actors
should expand their funding and support
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for local conflict resolution.
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As for Congo, what can be done?
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After two decades of conflict
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and the deaths of millions,
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it's clear that we need
to change our approach.
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Based on my field research,
I believe that international
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and Congolese actors
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should pay more attention
to the resolution of land conflict
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and the promotion
of inter-community reconciliation.
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So for instance,
in the province of the Kivus,
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the Life & Peace Institute
and its Congolese partners
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have set up inter-community forums
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to discuss the specifics
of local conflicts over land,
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and these forums have found solutions
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to help manage the violence.
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That's the kind of program
that is sorely needed
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throughout eastern Congo.
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It's with programs like this
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that we can help people
like Isabelle and her husband.
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So these will not be magic wands,
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but because they take into account
deeply rooted causes of the violence,
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they could definitely be game-changers.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)