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Your words may predict your future mental health

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    We have historical records that allow us
    to know how the ancient Greeks dressed,
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    how they lived,
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    how they fought ...
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    but how did they think?
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    One natural idea is that the deepest
    aspects of human thought --
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    our ability to imagine,
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    to be conscious,
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    to dream --
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    have always been the same.
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    Another possibility
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    is that the social transformations
    that have shaped our culture
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    may have also changed
    the structural columns of human thought.
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    We may all have different
    opinions about this.
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    Actually, it's a long-standing
    philosophical debate.
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    But is this question
    even amenable to science?
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    Here I'd like to propose
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    that in the same way we can reconstruct
    how the ancient Greek cities looked
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    just based on a few bricks,
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    that the writings of a culture
    are the archaeological records,
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    the fossils, of human thought.
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    And in fact,
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    doing some form of psychological analysis
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    of some of the most ancient
    books of human culture,
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    Julian Jaynes came up in the '70s
    with a very wild and radical hypothesis:
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    that only 3,000 years ago,
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    humans were what today
    we would call schizophrenics.
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    And he made this claim
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    based on the fact that the first
    humans described in these books
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    behaved consistently,
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    in different traditions
    and in different places of the world,
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    as if they were hearing and obeying voices
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    that they perceived
    as coming from the Gods,
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    or from the muses ...
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    what today we would call hallucinations.
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    And only then, as time went on,
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    they began to recognize
    that they were the creators,
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    the owners of these inner voices.
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    And with this, they gained introspection:
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    the ability to think
    about their own thoughts.
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    So Jaynes's theory is that consciousness,
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    at least in the way we perceive it today,
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    where we feel that we are the pilots
    of our own existence --
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    is a quite recent cultural development.
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    And this theory is quite spectacular,
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    but it has an obvious problem
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    which is that it's built on just a few
    and very specific examples.
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    So the question is whether the theory
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    that introspection built up in human
    history only about 3,000 years ago
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    can be examined in a quantitative
    and objective manner.
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    And the problem of how
    to go about this is quite obvious.
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    It's not like Plato woke up one day
    and then he wrote,
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    "Hello, I'm Plato,
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    and as of today, I have
    a fully introspective consciousness."
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    (Laughter)
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    And this tells us actually
    what is the essence of the problem.
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    We need to find the emergence
    of a concept that's never said.
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    The word introspection
    does not appear a single time
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    in the books we want to analyze.
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    So our way to solve this
    is to build the space of words.
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    This is a huge space
    that contains all words
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    in such a way that the distance
    between any two of them
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    is indicative of how
    closely related they are.
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    So for instance,
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    you want the words "dog" and "cat"
    to be very close together,
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    but the words "grapefruit" and "logarithm"
    to be very far away.
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    And this has to be true
    for any two words within the space.
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    And there are different ways
    that we can construct the space of words.
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    One is just asking the experts,
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    a bit like we do with dictionaries.
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    Another possibility
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    is following the simple assumption
    that when two words are related,
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    they tend to appear in the same sentences,
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    in the same paragraphs,
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    in the same documents,
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    more often than would be expected
    just by pure chance.
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    And this simple hypothesis,
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    this simple method,
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    with some computational tricks
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    that have to do with the fact
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    that this is a very complex
    and high-dimensional space,
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    turns out to be quite effective.
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    And just to give you a flavor
    of how well this works,
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    this is the result we get when
    we analyze this for some familiar words.
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    And you can see first
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    that words automatically organize
    into semantic neighborhoods.
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    So you get the fruits, the body parts,
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    the computer parts,
    the scientific terms and so on.
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    The algorithm also identifies
    that we organize concepts in a hierarchy.
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    So for instance,
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    you can see that the scientific terms
    break down into two subcategories
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    of the astronomic and the physics terms.
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    And then there are very fine things.
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    For instance, the word astronomy,
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    which seems a bit bizarre where it is,
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    is actually exactly where it should be,
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    between what it is,
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    an actual science,
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    and between what it describes,
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    the astronomical terms.
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    And we could go on and on with this.
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    Actually, if you stare
    at this for a while,
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    and you just build random trajectories,
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    you will see that it actually feels
    a bit like doing poetry.
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    And this is because, in a way,
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    walking in this space
    is like walking in the mind.
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    And the last thing
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    is that this algorithm also identifies
    what are our intuitions,
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    of which words should lead
    in the neighborhood of introspection.
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    So for instance,
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    words such as "self," "guilt,"
    "reason," "emotion,"
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    are very close to "introspection,"
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    but other words,
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    such as "red," "football,"
    "candle," "banana,"
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    are just very far away.
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    And so once we've built the space,
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    the question of the history
    of introspection,
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    or of the history of any concept
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    which before could seem abstract
    and somehow vague,
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    becomes concrete --
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    becomes amenable to quantitative science.
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    All that we have to do is take the books,
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    we digitize them,
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    and we take this stream
    of words as a trajectory
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    and project them into the space,
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    and then we ask whether this trajectory
    spends significant time
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    circling closely to the concept
    of introspection.
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    And with this,
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    we could analyze
    the history of introspection
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    in the ancient Greek tradition,
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    for which we have the best
    available written record.
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    So what we did is we took all the books --
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    we just ordered them by time --
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    for each book we take the words
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    and we project them to the space,
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    and then we ask for each word
    how close it is to introspection,
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    and we just average that.
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    And as time goes on and on,
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    these books get closer,
    and closer and closer
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    to the concept of introspection.
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    And this is exactly what happens
    in the ancient Greek tradition.
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    So you can see that for the oldest books
    in the Homeric tradition,
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    there is a small increase with books
    getting closer to introspection.
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    But about four centuries before Christ,
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    this starts ramping up very rapidly
    to an almost five-fold increase
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    of books getting closer,
    and closer and closer
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    to the concept of introspection.
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    And one of the nice things about this
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    is that now we can ask
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    whether this is also true
    in a different, independent tradition.
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    So we just ran this same analysis
    on the Judeo-Christian tradition,
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    and we got virtually the same pattern.
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    Again, you see a small increase
    for the oldest books in the Old Testament,
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    and then it increases much more rapidly
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    in the new books of the New Testament.
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    And then we get the peak of introspection
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    in "The Confessions of Saint Augustine,"
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    about four centuries after Christ.
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    And this was very important,
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    because Saint Augustine
    had been recognized by scholars,
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    philologists, historians,
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    as one of the founders of introspection.
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    Actually, some believe him to be
    the father of modern psychology.
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    So our algorithm,
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    which has the virtue
    of being quantitative,
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    of being objective,
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    and of course of being extremely fast --
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    it just runs in a fraction of a second --
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    can capture some of the most
    important conclusions
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    of this long tradition of investigation.
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    And this is in a way
    one of the beauties of science,
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    which is that now this idea
    can be translated
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    and generalized to a whole lot
    of different domains.
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    So in the same way that we asked
    about the past of human consciousness,
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    maybe the most challenging question
    we can pose to ourselves
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    is whether this can tell us something
    about the future of our own consciousness.
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    To put it more precisely,
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    whether the words we say today
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    can tell us something
    of where our minds will be in a few days,
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    in a few months
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    or a few years from now.
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    And in the same way many of us
    are now wearing sensors
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    that detect our heart rate,
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    our respiration,
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    our genes,
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    on the hopes that this may
    help us prevent diseases,
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    we can ask whether monitoring
    and analyzing the words we speak,
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    we tweet, we email, we write,
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    can tell us ahead of time whether
    something may go wrong with our minds.
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    And with Guillermo Cecchi,
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    who has been my brother in this adventure,
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    we took on this task.
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    And we did so by analyzing
    the recorded speech of 34 young people
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    who were at a high risk
    of developing schizophrenia.
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    And so what we did is,
    we measured speech at day one,
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    and then we asked whether the properties
    of the speech could predict,
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    within a window of almost three years,
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    the future development of psychosis.
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    But despite our hopes,
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    we got failure after failure.
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    There was just not enough
    information in semantics
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    to predict the future
    organization of the mind.
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    It was good enough
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    to distinguish between a group
    of schizophrenics and a control group,
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    a bit like we had done
    for the ancient texts,
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    but not to predict the future
    onset of psychosis.
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    But then we realized
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    that maybe the most important thing
    was not so much what they were saying,
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    but how they were saying it.
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    More specifically,
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    it was not in which semantic
    neighborhoods the words were,
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    but how far and fast they jumped
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    from one semantic neighborhood
    to the other one.
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    And so we came up with this measure,
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    which we termed semantic coherence,
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    which essentially measures the persistence
    of speech within one semantic topic,
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    within one semantic category.
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    And it turned out to be
    that for this group of 34 people,
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    the algorithm based on semantic
    coherence could predict,
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    with 100 percent accuracy,
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    who developed psychosis and who will not.
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    And this was something
    that could not be achieved --
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    not even close --
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    with all the other
    existing clinical measures.
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    And I remember vividly,
    while I was working on this,
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    I was sitting at my computer
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    and I saw a bunch of tweets by Polo --
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    Polo had been my first student
    back in Buenos Aires,
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    and at the time
    he was living in New York.
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    And there was something in this tweets --
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    I could not tell exactly what
    because nothing was said explicitly --
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    but I got this strong hunch,
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    this strong intuition,
    that something was going wrong.
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    So I picked up the phone,
    and I called Polo,
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    and in fact he was not feeling well.
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    And this simple fact,
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    that reading in between the lines,
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    I could sense,
    through words, his feelings,
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    was a simple, but very
    effective way to help.
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    What I tell you today
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    is that we're getting
    close to understanding
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    how we can convert this intuition
    that we all have,
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    that we all share,
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    into an algorithm.
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    And in doing so,
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    we may be seeing in the future
    a very different form of mental health,
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    based on objective, quantitative
    and automated analysis
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    of the words we write,
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    of the words we say.
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    Gracias.
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    (Applause)
Title:
Your words may predict your future mental health
Speaker:
Mariano Sigman
Description:

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Video Language:
English
Team:
closed TED
Project:
TEDTalks
Duration:
12:14

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