-
The world that we inhabit bears the indelible
scars of centuries of colonial violence.
-
The legacy of this historic violation
lies at the root of many of today’s
-
most intractable problems.
-
Colonization is the military, economic,
political and cultural subjugation
-
of one nation by another.
-
It is the domination of one people by another.
-
And there are few places on earth fortunate
enough to have escaped its reach.
-
For thousands of years,
land has changed hands according to
-
the aims and whims of conquering armies.
-
But beginning in the 15th century, the character
and scope of this warfare shifted.
-
Europe’s genocidal invasion and pillage
of the so-called ‘New World’ was an apocalypse
-
for the continents’ original inhabitants.
-
And from the ashes of
these ancient civilizations
-
arose capitalism and the
modern system of nation states.
-
Subsequent waves of European expansion saw
the colonization of Australia and New Zealand,
-
along with large swathes of Africa and Asia.
-
Some of these colonies were chosen for mass
European settlement, while others were delegated
-
as sources of hyper-exploited
labour and resource extraction.
-
Colonial borders, drawn up by foreign aristocrats
and dignitaries, were agreed upon through
-
diplomatic treaties and internecine wars.
-
Many of these arbitrary lines persist to this
day, cutting blindly across tribes and major
-
ethnic groups, scattering peoples like the
Kurds and Tuaregs over multiple states, and
-
planting the seeds for bitter sectarian rivalries
and civil wars.
-
Successive national liberation struggles waged
in the decades following World War II allowed
-
much of the world to cast off the shackles
of the old colonial arrangement.
-
Yet in case after case, national aspirations
for self-determination have been thwarted
-
by the emergence of a new neo-colonial ruling
class, whose members remain subservient to
-
the imperial systems of global finance controlled
by the colonial masters of yesteryear.
-
That is not to say that older forms of colonialism
have disappeared, or that the flames of
-
anti-colonial revolt have died out.
-
Over the next thirty minutes, we’ll take
a closer look at two such sites of active
-
settler colonialism and anti-colonial resistance:
namely, the areas around the Great Lakes region
-
that make up the historic homeland of the
Six Nations of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,
-
and the militarily-occupied
territories of Palestine.
-
Along the way, we’ll talk to a number of
individuals as they share their own experiences
-
of navigating colonial dynamics, fighting
for self-determination...
-
and making a whole lot of trouble.
-
Indians, Natives, Aboriginal... there’s
so many different terms that people use
-
just to address who we are.
-
But I feel that we need to address ourselves
the way we believe we should be addressed.
-
And for me, I say I’m Kanienʼkehá꞉ka.
-
I’m not Mohawk.
-
I’m not an Indian.
-
I’m not an aboriginal.
-
Y’know... these are all different terms
that have come after.
-
These terms decolonization and anti-colonial,
I had to google them
-
because I don’t use those terms a lot.
-
We have no English terms
to use but what’s there.
-
But in our own language
we have all the words that we need.
-
How to explain it to someone who doesn’t
have the language is what gets difficult.
-
Decolonization has become such a buzzword
used by a variety of organizations, institutions...
-
I mean, the federal government
is using the word.
-
And it certainly has been watered down in
the context of universities and academics
-
clinging to this buzzword.
-
But in reality, decolonization is a very
unsettling and disruptive force.
-
And so when I think about what that means
to me, and how I should relate to it as
-
a non-Indigenous anarchist,
I don’t have any straight-forward answers.
-
I have some reflections.
-
They’re always changing.
-
Decolonization is a very large
and complex issue for me.
-
It involves decolonizing the way we think.
-
The way that we’re sort of
wired to experience reality,
-
and the ideologies in which we’re saturated.
-
And taking steps to rectify the wrongs
that were done, so that we can have
-
a just and equal society.
-
And a rich society, a diverse society,
and a society that benefits
-
from the wisdom of Indigenous cultures.
-
For Palestinians that means the Israeli occupation
that started in 1948 should be stopped,
-
and the Palestinian people should have
their own rights for freedom, justice
-
and control of themselves.
-
Like all nations in the world.
-
Fundamentally, the Arab world lives in the
aftermath of the colonial project.
-
The reason why these states are there
is because of colonialism.
-
The borders were drawn up not by the people
who live there, but by Sykes-Picot.
-
By the British and the French.
-
There would be no Israel without colonialism.
-
It is a western colony in the Arab world.
-
Just like Apartheid South Africa
was a western colony in Africa.
-
Europe treats Israel as a European
colony in the Middle East.
-
So in terms of the trade agreements that give
it preferable conditions in trading.
-
Y’know, the arms that are
being bought and sold.
-
Europeans are partners in the Zionist project.
-
And they are responsible.
-
When the west sees Israel, they see themselves.
-
And when the United States sees Israel,
they certainly see themselves.
-
It’s a state where western white people
came in and threw the native population
-
off the land — it’s a little baby America.
-
Rectifying the wrongs of the colonization
of Palestine would first of all involve the
-
return of the Palestinian refugees and reparations
for the suffering from being ethnically cleansed
-
from their homeland.
-
Palestinians, when they were forced
to emigrate from here as refugees,
-
there were 800,000 at that time.
-
It will become around 8,000,000 now, after
seventy or eighty years of occupation.
-
When we’re talking about colonialism
in relation to the Canadian settler-colonial state,
-
I think it’s important to understand
that the state is not a completed political
-
and economic entity.
-
In fact, the Canadian state
is quite weak and vulnerable.
-
What you need to understand is
that if you look at each reservation,
-
where we are,
you need to poke a hole in that map.
-
Because we’re not a part of Canada,
and we’re not a part of the United States.
-
The Mohawk people are a nation.
-
The whole Haudenosaunee
Confederacy are all nations.
-
So what the United States and Canada wanna
be is they wanna be a nation.
-
They wanna be like the Mohawks and the Seneca.
-
When they came on their ship, they brought
that government and those ideologies with them.
-
They didn’t start nothing new.
-
They didn’t make up their own language.
-
They didn’t make up their own
government here.
-
They copied ours and brought theirs with them.
-
So they can’t say that
they’re their own nation.
-
They have no idea what it is to actually listen
to us, and to listen to the reasons why
-
this land is so important to us.
-
They’ll never know.
-
Because they don’t even want to
hear what we have to say.
-
To them, it’s like it’s all about money.
-
“Who the fuck gives a shit about
what these Indians want with the land?”
-
This is their attitude.
-
Y’know, it’s like
“Oh, sit down and negotiate.”
-
Sit down and negotiate.
-
What negotiations?
-
You sit down and it’s all of what they want,
and everything that we come back with
-
— the importance of our culture, our land
...it don’t mean fuck all to them.
-
It doesn’t mean a thing to them.
-
Human history is a steady stream of
massacres and bloodshed.
-
But when it comes to scope and scale
of atrocities, nothing compares to
-
the colonization of the so-called Americas.
-
What is now tacitly acknowledged as a genocide
against the continents’ original inhabitants,
-
was in fact a series of dozens, if not hundreds
of different genocides carried out against
-
distinct nations by Spanish, Portuguese, French
and British armies, who were aided in this
-
task by the copious and often deliberate spread
of European-borne diseases.
-
While there’s no single definitive figure,
most historians estimate that between
-
50 and 112 million Indigenous people
were killed during the invasion and settlement
-
of the so-called Americas,
or nearly 95% of the local population.
-
Many nations were entirely wiped out.
-
There’s also no recorded figure for the
number of Africans killed during the four
-
centuries of the transatlantic slave trade,
but most estimates range from 14 to 60 million.
-
This includes an estimated two million people
that died on slave ships,
-
only to be unceremoniously dumped into the ocean.
-
The echoes of these crimes continue
to reverberate to this day.
-
In the Great Lakes region of so-called North
America, Dutch, French and British colonizers
-
first encountered the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,
a powerful alliance of five indigenous nations:
-
the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca
– with a sixth nation, the Tuscarora,
-
joining in 1722.
-
These settlers were fascinated by the Haudenosaunee’s
system of governance, which was much more
-
sophisticated than any found
during that time in Europe.
-
So much so, that many of its principles eventually
found their way into the US Constitution.
-
Yet despite signing treaties of mutual respect
and co-existence with the Haudenosaunee, most
-
notably the Two-Row Wampum, or Guswhenta,
settler populations in the territories now
-
ruled by the American and Canadians states
have repeatedly failed to live up to their obligations.
-
This has been the source of sustained tensions,
and several stand-offs that have galvanized
-
Indigenous anti-colonial resistance
across Turtle Island.
-
I grew up seeing land struggles and struggles
about land and being involved in it as a child.
-
My mother’s family were very, very involved
in a lot of political struggles away from
-
the band council system.
-
I grew up hearing stories from my aunt and
everybody about everything that happened.
-
Whenever I really started to get passionate
about everything, I was like 16.
-
But, I got pregnant so that’s
what put that off to the side.
-
Ten years down the road, I’m in a place
in my life when I can actually do something
-
and that’s what brought me together with
some like-minded people.
-
We’re not following band council, we’re not
following Canada, and we’re not following Quebec.
-
We’re following our own rights as
indigenous people, as native people,
-
as Kanienʼkehá꞉ka people.
-
We don’t all agree on everything, but at
the same time we bring our strengths together.
-
And we’re taking back our land.
-
The mayor of Oka came and brought this proposal
and said they wanna expand the golf course
-
into the pine forest where right at the line
of where the golf club ends and the pine forest
-
begins, we have a graveyard there of graves
that have been there for hundreds of years.
-
And the pine forest is like, thousands of
years old, I mean the pines are huge.
-
The native people in Kanehsatake said “No.
-
You’re not building a golf course and tearing
up our graveyard and cutting down all the pines."
-
The answer was no immediately.
-
And that’s what sparked everything.
-
I didn’t go to the meetings in the beginning
but by May, I jumped in a car with a bunch
-
of ladies and we all took off
and went to Kanehsatake.
-
In my early twenties I was trying to give
my son at the time who was just only like
-
2-3 years old a better example
of what a role-model that I could be.
-
That time came to stand there and say “I’m
gonna be part of this because now I’m a
-
woman, I’m not a child
where my mother had to just bring me.”
-
We can’t stop fighting for this because
land is like, one of the most important things
-
to native people.
-
How do you practice a culture
when you don’t have a land base?
-
How do your survive a culture
when you don’t have a land base?
-
This is what we used to teach
our children and our people.
-
It was just a regular day.
-
It was like really early in the morning,
people weren’t even really awake yet.
-
There was a few people puttering around or
whatever you know, either fixing a fire or
-
making coffee or doing something you know
not everyone was awake at the time.
-
And then, all I remember the women telling
me is that they just heard cars and car doors
-
and then they looked up towards the highway,
because they were in the pines,
-
and they looked up towards the highway.
-
It was just SQ cars.
-
Just kept pulling up,
pulling up, pulling up, pulling up.
-
And then they just started getting out of
the cars fully dressed with all their bulletproof
-
vests and their assault rifles.
-
The women just looked and they were like
“what the fuck is going on?”
-
And then they just decided to run to the front
and they all locked arms and they stood across
-
the dirt road that came into the pines, and
the police were telling them “you have to
-
get out, you have to leave.”
-
And they said “we’re not leaving.
-
We’re not going anywhere.
-
We’re staying right here, this is our land
we’re not leaving.”
-
And of course they didn’t listen to them
you know, they just started throwing tear
-
gas and I think that’s
when all hell broke loose.
-
Reporter: I don’t know
if you can hear any of that.
-
News Anchor: Yes.
-
It sounds like shots.
-
Reporter: Uhh they launched, I don’t know,
about half a dozen or a dozen canisters of tear gas.
-
There’s smoke.
-
Anchor: Ivan, as much as you can see
are the warriors pulling back now?
-
Reporter: Oh, uhm, everybody was.
-
I mean we’re cars, we’re moving tents,
we’re moving people.
-
Uh reporters are-
-
News Anchor: Are those shots?
-
Ivan?
-
Hello?
-
It was a bloody day at the Mohawk Indian
community in Oka, Quebec near Montreal.
-
Provincial police in riot gear stormed the
barricades the Mohawks had set up.
-
There were clouds of tear gas,
a hail of bullets,
-
and in the midst of the battle
a policeman was killed.
-
For us as Ongwehonweh, or native people that
have already been here.
-
We have a culture, we have a way of life,
and we have a connection.
-
And all of that is a combination of what we
stand for and how we stand up for our beliefs.
-
And going as far as having a physical confrontation
with police forces, Swat teams, Army,
-
we’ve done it.
And succeeded.
-
You got other people trying to say there’s
no place for the warriors or no place for
-
weapons and we’re all peaceful forever.
-
That’s not how it’s supposed to be.
-
We’re not here to kill people.
-
We’re here to protect our land, we’re
here to protect ourselves and that’s always,
-
always the goal.
-
If it comes to those extreme cases like in
1990, of course people are gonna have weapons.
-
But the weapons are not to be used.
-
This is our understanding that
we have in our culture.
-
We’re not there to hurt, we’re not there
to kill anybody.
-
In my belief, I’m traditional,
and that’s all there is to it.
-
But, what comes with being traditional?
-
It comes with the political aspects and it
comes with the ceremonial aspects
-
so we have to take care of both.
-
Practising sovereignty
is not holding a band card.
-
It doesn’t mean anything, it means that
you have a number form the government to say
-
that you’re registered
and you’re on their list.
-
Practising sovereignty is practising your
culture, your beliefs and you’re standing
-
up for what you believe in.
-
There are few geopolitical conflicts more
intractable than the decades-long struggle
-
for the establishment of a Palestinian homeland
in the areas claimed by the Israeli state.
-
The fertile lands between the Jordan River
and the Mediterranean, have been fought over
-
for thousands of years.
-
Their capital, Jerusalem, is considered holy
by all three Abrahamic religions
-
– Islam, Christianity and Judaism.
-
Zionism, an ideological movement based around
the imagined return of Jews to their biblical
-
homeland, Israel, began to
pick up steam in the early 20th century.
-
It was seen at the time as a potential solution
to the centuries of anti-semitic persecution
-
the Jewish people had faced
at the hands of European Christians.
-
Following the horrors of the Holocaust, in
which two-thirds of European Jews were killed,
-
support within the colonial ruling classes
swung behind the establishment
-
of a Jewish homeland.
-
But rather than establish it within the restructured
borders of Europe, the Zionist movement was
-
granted a sliver of the Arab World, in an
area the Ancient Greeks referred to as Palestina.
-
Since then, the Israeli state has methodically
expanded its borders, while tightening restrictions
-
on its internal Arab population.
-
Under the unquestioned protection of the Trump
regime, they have largely abandoned any pretense
-
of seeking a lasting peace with their Palestinian
neighbours, seeking instead to increase the
-
pace of settlement construction in
the territories they occupied in 1967.
-
But Palestinians displaced during the Nakba
of 1948 have never given up their dreams of
-
returning to their homeland.
-
And the brave resistance of
the Palestinian people to Israeli occupation
-
is famous all around the world.
-
I was born in Tel Aviv a long time ago.
-
Growing up,
initially I bought everything that I was told.
-
That we, the Jewish people,
were constant victims.
-
We’d never harmed anyone.
-
But then, as I was getting close to the age
where every Israeli is supposed to go to the
-
army – every Jewish Israeli – I started
hearing about things that were happening.
-
And it... uhhh... yeah it was incredibly painful.
-
It really ripped up my illusions about what
I was a part of, and what my people were doing.
-
And I did not understand much.
-
But I knew that people were
fighting for their freedom.
-
And we were killing them for it.
-
Palestine is not just about statehood.
-
It’s about the return of the
Palestinians to their historic homeland,
-
which is from the Jordan River
to the Mediterranean.
-
The Jewish colony in Palestine — the Jewish
state — was created by the British,
-
who promised the Palestinian land,
that they had colonized, to Jews.
-
So this colonial act, the fact that Britain
felt that they could promise this land to
-
whoever they wanted
was the kind of original sin here.
-
At the same time the British were crushing
popular Palestinian uprisings.
-
Between 1936 and 1939 – it’s called the
Great Revolt – ten percent of the male population
-
of Palestine was either exiled or killed.
-
So by 1948, the population was depleted.
-
So that’s how thirty percent of the population
of Palestine, which by that time was Jewish,
-
could overpower, and displace,
and disenfranchise, and throw out
-
the Palestinian people from these areas.
-
That the security of the Israeli people will be
reconciled with the hopes of the Palestinian people,
-
this brave gamble that the future
can be better than the past, must endure.
-
It was a big mistake that the PLO
made this foolish Oslo agreement.
-
The Palestinian Authority, in entering into
the Oslo Accords, effectively surrendered
-
its right to armed struggle.
-
And from that moment on, they’ve worked
with the Israeli state to control and actually
-
dampen popular resistance inside Palestine.
-
They took the role of local affairs.
-
All the main issues – the borders, the independent
state, the settlements, Jerusalem, water even...
-
energy – and sixty percent of the lands
stayed in the hands of the Israeli occupation.
-
Nothing changed.
-
There is no legal system in
the Palestinian Authority.
-
The security forces here – which have different
names, different factions, different brigades
-
— they just... without any kind of law,
they arrest people.
-
The Israelis?
-
There’s a system... not a real system,
but a military system.
-
They charge the Palestinians
for any reason, a long time.
-
As long as the Palestinian Authority arrests
whoever Israel tells them to arrest,
-
shares intelligence, proves its worth
... it’s allowed to exist.
-
If the role of the Palestinian Authority becomes
like this, only taking the dirty work from
-
the occupation,
it becomes a very corrupted authority.
-
Thousands of demonstrators advanced on the
border fence that separates Gaza from Israel.
-
The Israeli military accused some
in the crowd of being terrorists.
-
Soldiers opened fire, killing more than fifty
Palestinians, including eight children.
-
The Great March of Return is a popular act
of resistance that’s organized by
-
a large swathe of actors within Gaza.
-
It is popular resistance, and it has been
slightly misrepresented as somehow being created
-
by Hamas, which it was not.
-
Many of the protesters that go out every week
are not members of Hamas.
-
The people killed are from all political parties,
and many are not affiliated with a political party.
-
Y’know, not to mention the number of children
who have been murdered that are not, obviously,
-
politically affiliated.
-
People go to protest because the situation
is unbearable.
-
And they do it even when
they’re told not to.
-
Because they see no other option.
-
There is no other option of
a life with dignity right now in Gaza.
-
So it’s accepting a life without dignity,
or trying to fight for a different life.
-
These decentralized, but coordinated actions
go back to the First Intifada, which is why
-
the First Intifada was so special.
-
This moment of popular resistance.
-
A groundswell of resistance from all sectors
of Palestinian society.
-
Regardless of class, gender
... everyone was involved.
-
The Second Intifada started, after a few months,
to become an armed resistance.
-
But they discovered that it
cannot lead to anything.
-
Even Hamas, which is dependent on military
resistance, or armed resistance,
-
found that in order to continue
their control, their position,
-
they need to depend on popular resistance.
-
So the First Intifada is the big example for
the coming future for the Palestinian community.
-
In the West Bank, I think the situation is
going to be the Third Intifada.
-
And this situation will not remain
as it is for a long time.
-
There’s this continuity of Palestinians
resisting occupation since 1948.
-
Twenty percent of Israeli citizens are Palestinian.
-
Obviously Palestinians live in the West Bank,
Jerusalem – which is their capital –
-
and Gaza.
-
And then there are Palestinians living in
refugee camps throughout the Arab world.
-
And of course the global diaspora.
-
This is one people.
-
The Palestinians are one people.
-
The Palestinians know that.
-
The Palestinian Revolution
is there to break the status quo.
-
And the status quo won’t crush them.
-
Anarchists have a mixed history
when it comes to anti-colonial struggle.
-
We are generally critical of nationalism,
seeing it as an ideology that allows for the
-
papering over of other contradictions
within a given society.
-
According to this line of thought, buried
within the national aspirations that animate
-
anti-colonial struggle, are the seeds for
the reproduction of oppressive hierarchies,
-
and ultimately a new state.
-
That said, this criticism has, unsurprisingly,
been markedly less common among non-European
-
anarchists with first-hand
experience of national oppression.
-
From the famous Indian
revolutionary Bhagat Singh,
-
to the Cuban revolutionary
Camilo Cienfuegos...
-
many prominent anti-colonial figures have
either identified as anarchists,
-
or drawn inspiration from anarchist teachings.
-
And countless other lesser-known anarchists
have participated in struggles for national
-
self-determination, or continue to do so today...
from those waged by the Mapuche in Wallmapu
-
to the Kurds of Rojava.
-
So the international solidarity movement is
international volunteers that come to support
-
the Palestinian popular struggle.
-
Yesterday there were homes under threat of
demolition, the volunteers were in the homes
-
with the families trying to, you know, resist
them being removed from their homes.
-
There are demonstrations.
-
Areas of Hebron that are under Israeli control,
Tel Rumeida, the children are under constant
-
risk of attack and harassment, the volunteers
take the kids to school and bring them back
-
from school.
-
I see that those activists in solidarity with
the Palestinian people helps give us hope
-
that we are not alone, opens the eyes of the
world about the human rights issues and the
-
occupation happening in Palestine.
-
I think there's a problem with Western and
white particular anarchists, that they're
-
not able to distinguish identity from national
aspirations.
-
Anarchists tend to say, well they're anti-national
so why do you want to fight for a nation state?
-
This is an incredibly facile and white way
of looking at things.
-
It is also arrogant.
-
Fannon understood the importance of national
liberation struggles as defined as national
-
liberation struggles, because that is how
they were confronted by settler-colonial regimes.
-
They were controlled as Bantu, as Algerian
Arabs, as Palestinians, as whatever.
-
You become those identities, all our identities
are constructed, but those are the identities
-
in which the Palestinians are acting now.
-
I feel it's impossible to talk about the dangers,
right now, you know of Palestinian nationalism.
-
Palestinians are stripped of their agency
to determine so many aspects of their lives
-
and their self-determination...
-
When power shifts, and Palestinians are in
control of their lives and of their land and
-
of their state, uh... then maybe we can revisit
this..?
-
But I don't feel that it's relevant to the
current situation
-
If you achieve your rights, justice, freedom
and others, you can think how to deal with
-
your neighbor.
-
Maybe united, cooperating...
-
I dunno.
-
But without this solution happening, nothing.
-
That conflict will continue.
-
The more racist Israelis will be going, and
the more religious or Salafist under the occupation
-
people in the Palestinian situation.
-
Palestine is the litmus test of a true revolutionary
in this country.
-
And if you're not one hundred percent on board,
then shut the fuck up.
-
And that goes for fucking anarchists, and
I don't care, or any sort of leftists.
-
Shut up and listen, and listen to the people
on the ground, listen to the people conducting
-
the BDS, listen to the revolutionaries in
Palestine.
-
And that's the way you do it.
-
Don't start something you can't finish.
-
You know?
-
Don't start trying to be something you're
not either, so whatever you're good at, find
-
if that's what you're passionate about and
find a way to mix it with your talents so
-
you're enjoying yourself because it does get
hard.
-
You know it's emotionally exhausting and there
comes a point where you just have to take
-
a step back and to remember to take care of
yourself.
-
Anarchist have to be careful to nuance how
they relate to the concept of sovereignty.
-
It shouldn't be fixed.
-
It needs to be a dynamic understanding of
the ways struggle demands from non-indigenous
-
anarchists to constantly rethink and reevaluate
their relationship to a set of ideas and practices.
-
Be aware of how whiteness functions in various
spaces of struggle.
-
You can be super down, and you can have a
great understanding of how whiteness operates
-
in the world, but you don't have control over
how people react to your whiteness.
-
So you've gotta be humble and understand that
no matter who you are, whiteness will always
-
be triggering for some people.
-
So know when to step back, when to be quiet
and know when just to walk away.
-
It's like, the way I envision it is like two
braids.
-
Like you have the boat here and you've got
like all your intermingling and all your people
-
and ideas, and over here we have our braid
going on.
-
And people have to realize that it's not just
one straight and narrow path that everyone
-
has to take, there's a weaving going on and
we're all connected one way or another.
-
You have to get away from colonialism's way
of thinking and you have to start thinking
-
on your own.
-
The main intention is not yourself as the
priority.
-
The main intention for this to work is the
priority of the other generations coming,
-
that we keep this equality and peaceful practices
going for them, not just for me.
-
Capitalism continues to fuel the aggressive
extractive projects snaking across the continent.
-
Anarchists fighting against exploitative processes
of capitalism should think about how important
-
it is to link their struggle to anti-colonial
resistance.
-
And for many, I think this means rethinking
post-revolutionary ideas of industrial societies.
-
You have to go back to the beginning, to the
Royal Proclamation, if we're going to get
-
rid of Canada, that's what it comes down to.
-
Because if they're not upholding their agreements
then they need to leave.
-
That government system, I'm not saying all
non-native people have to leave, but that
-
political structure and that government system
need to go.
-
The Zionist State, Israel, would have to be
dismantled and a new system based on equality,
-
equal rights would have to be created.
-
One in which we could all live together as
equals.
-
And I believe that, I mean, I know how wonderful
that can be because my life is an example
-
of that.
-
So I'm really looking forward for that day,
for the refugees to return, the prisoners
-
to be freed and the occupation to end and
apartheid to be dismantled, where I can meet
-
my friends from Gaza on the beach of Haifa, and have a cappuccino
-
We have a date for that day. So, we're looking forward to it.
-
There are few struggles with higher stakes
than those waged by Indigenous peoples against
-
their colonial occupiers.
-
This is because the assertion of collective
self-determination that they represent is
-
a direct attack on the legitimacy of the dominant
colonial power structure.
-
For states, they are therefore existential
threats... and tend to be treated as such.
-
The intense level of conflict that often result
from these clashes can in turn rupture the
-
illusion of social peace.
-
This poses opportunities for revolutionaries,
but also considerable risks.
-
It draws clear battle lines, allowing states
to mobilize their own national identities,
-
in order to allow for the intensification
of repression.
-
Non-indigenous anarchists must be well aware
of these dynamics, both in order to anticipate
-
and help combat nationalist reaction, and
to be able to act in complicity with all those
-
who take up determined struggle against our
mutual enemies within the ruling class.
-
So at this point, we’d like to remind you
that Trouble is intended to be watched in
-
groups, and to be used as a resource to promote
discussion and collective organizing.
-
Are you interested in getting more involved
with Indigenous solidarity work in your area,
-
or starting a group to provide sustained material
support to folks on the ground in Palestine?
-
Consider getting together with some comrades,
organizing a screening of this film, and discussing
-
where to get started.
-
Interested in running regular screenings of
Trouble at your campus, infoshop, community
-
center, or even just at home with friends?
-
Become a Trouble-Maker!
-
For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
with an advanced copy of the show, and a screening
-
kit featuring additional resources and some
questions you can use to get a discussion
-
going.
-
If you can’t afford to support us financially,
no worries!
-
You can stream and/or download all our content
for free off our website: sub.media/trouble.
-
If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics,
or just want to get in touch, drop us a line
-
at trouble@sub.media.
-
Just a reminder that we’re still in the
middle of our 2019 fundraiser.
-
Thanks to everyone who’s chipped in so far...
with your help, we’re now more than half-way
-
to our goal of raising two thousand dollars
in monthly donations.
-
If you haven’t donated yet, but you like
what we do and want to see more of it, please
-
go to sub.media/donate and sign up to be a
monthly sustainer for as little as $2 per
-
month.
-
This episode would not have been possible
without the generous support of Chelsea, Whitney,
-
B, Mos'ab and the good folks at the International
Solidarity Movement.
-
Stay tuned next month for Trouble 22, as we
take a closer look at the rising tide of xenophobic
-
anti-migrant hysteria sweeping the so-called
United States...
-
...they want all the rights and privileges
of being United Sates citizens and they don't
-
have those rights and privileges, they're
here illegally.
-
...and what people are doing to fight back.
-
Now get out there…. and make some trouble!