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Trouble 21: Land and Freedom

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    The world that we inhabit bears the indelible
    scars of centuries of colonial violence.
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    The legacy of this historic violation
    lies at the root of many of today’s
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    most intractable problems.
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    Colonization is the military, economic,
    political and cultural subjugation
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    of one nation by another.
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    It is the domination of one people by another.
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    And there are few places on earth fortunate
    enough to have escaped its reach.
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    For thousands of years,
    land has changed hands according to
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    the aims and whims of conquering armies.
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    But beginning in the 15th century, the character
    and scope of this warfare shifted.
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    Europe’s genocidal invasion and pillage
    of the so-called ‘New World’ was an apocalypse
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    for the continents’ original inhabitants.
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    And from the ashes of
    these ancient civilizations
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    arose capitalism and the
    modern system of nation states.
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    Subsequent waves of European expansion saw
    the colonization of Australia and New Zealand,
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    along with large swathes of Africa and Asia.
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    Some of these colonies were chosen for mass
    European settlement, while others were delegated
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    as sources of hyper-exploited
    labour and resource extraction.
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    Colonial borders, drawn up by foreign aristocrats
    and dignitaries, were agreed upon through
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    diplomatic treaties and internecine wars.
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    Many of these arbitrary lines persist to this
    day, cutting blindly across tribes and major
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    ethnic groups, scattering peoples like the
    Kurds and Tuaregs over multiple states, and
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    planting the seeds for bitter sectarian rivalries
    and civil wars.
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    Successive national liberation struggles waged
    in the decades following World War II allowed
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    much of the world to cast off the shackles
    of the old colonial arrangement.
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    Yet in case after case, national aspirations
    for self-determination have been thwarted
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    by the emergence of a new neo-colonial ruling
    class, whose members remain subservient to
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    the imperial systems of global finance controlled
    by the colonial masters of yesteryear.
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    That is not to say that older forms of colonialism
    have disappeared, or that the flames of
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    anti-colonial revolt have died out.
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    Over the next thirty minutes, we’ll take
    a closer look at two such sites of active
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    settler colonialism and anti-colonial resistance:
    namely, the areas around the Great Lakes region
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    that make up the historic homeland of the
    Six Nations of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,
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    and the militarily-occupied
    territories of Palestine.
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    Along the way, we’ll talk to a number of
    individuals as they share their own experiences
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    of navigating colonial dynamics, fighting
    for self-determination...
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    and making a whole lot of trouble.
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    Indians, Natives, Aboriginal... there’s
    so many different terms that people use
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    just to address who we are.
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    But I feel that we need to address ourselves
    the way we believe we should be addressed.
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    And for me, I say I’m Kanienʼkehá꞉ka.
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    I’m not Mohawk.
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    I’m not an Indian.
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    I’m not an aboriginal.
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    Y’know... these are all different terms
    that have come after.
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    These terms decolonization and anti-colonial,
    I had to google them
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    because I don’t use those terms a lot.
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    We have no English terms
    to use but what’s there.
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    But in our own language
    we have all the words that we need.
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    How to explain it to someone who doesn’t
    have the language is what gets difficult.
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    Decolonization has become such a buzzword
    used by a variety of organizations, institutions...
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    I mean, the federal government
    is using the word.
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    And it certainly has been watered down in
    the context of universities and academics
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    clinging to this buzzword.
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    But in reality, decolonization is a very
    unsettling and disruptive force.
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    And so when I think about what that means
    to me, and how I should relate to it as
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    a non-Indigenous anarchist,
    I don’t have any straight-forward answers.
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    I have some reflections.
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    They’re always changing.
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    Decolonization is a very large
    and complex issue for me.
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    It involves decolonizing the way we think.
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    The way that we’re sort of
    wired to experience reality,
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    and the ideologies in which we’re saturated.
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    And taking steps to rectify the wrongs
    that were done, so that we can have
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    a just and equal society.
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    And a rich society, a diverse society,
    and a society that benefits
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    from the wisdom of Indigenous cultures.
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    For Palestinians that means the Israeli occupation
    that started in 1948 should be stopped,
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    and the Palestinian people should have
    their own rights for freedom, justice
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    and control of themselves.
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    Like all nations in the world.
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    Fundamentally, the Arab world lives in the
    aftermath of the colonial project.
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    The reason why these states are there
    is because of colonialism.
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    The borders were drawn up not by the people
    who live there, but by Sykes-Picot.
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    By the British and the French.
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    There would be no Israel without colonialism.
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    It is a western colony in the Arab world.
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    Just like Apartheid South Africa
    was a western colony in Africa.
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    Europe treats Israel as a European
    colony in the Middle East.
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    So in terms of the trade agreements that give
    it preferable conditions in trading.
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    Y’know, the arms that are
    being bought and sold.
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    Europeans are partners in the Zionist project.
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    And they are responsible.
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    When the west sees Israel, they see themselves.
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    And when the United States sees Israel,
    they certainly see themselves.
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    It’s a state where western white people
    came in and threw the native population
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    off the land — it’s a little baby America.
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    Rectifying the wrongs of the colonization
    of Palestine would first of all involve the
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    return of the Palestinian refugees and reparations
    for the suffering from being ethnically cleansed
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    from their homeland.
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    Palestinians, when they were forced
    to emigrate from here as refugees,
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    there were 800,000 at that time.
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    It will become around 8,000,000 now, after
    seventy or eighty years of occupation.
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    When we’re talking about colonialism
    in relation to the Canadian settler-colonial state,
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    I think it’s important to understand
    that the state is not a completed political
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    and economic entity.
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    In fact, the Canadian state
    is quite weak and vulnerable.
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    What you need to understand is
    that if you look at each reservation,
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    where we are,
    you need to poke a hole in that map.
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    Because we’re not a part of Canada,
    and we’re not a part of the United States.
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    The Mohawk people are a nation.
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    The whole Haudenosaunee
    Confederacy are all nations.
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    So what the United States and Canada wanna
    be is they wanna be a nation.
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    They wanna be like the Mohawks and the Seneca.
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    When they came on their ship, they brought
    that government and those ideologies with them.
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    They didn’t start nothing new.
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    They didn’t make up their own language.
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    They didn’t make up their own
    government here.
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    They copied ours and brought theirs with them.
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    So they can’t say that
    they’re their own nation.
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    They have no idea what it is to actually listen
    to us, and to listen to the reasons why
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    this land is so important to us.
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    They’ll never know.
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    Because they don’t even want to
    hear what we have to say.
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    To them, it’s like it’s all about money.
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    “Who the fuck gives a shit about
    what these Indians want with the land?”
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    This is their attitude.
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    Y’know, it’s like
    “Oh, sit down and negotiate.”
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    Sit down and negotiate.
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    What negotiations?
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    You sit down and it’s all of what they want,
    and everything that we come back with
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    — the importance of our culture, our land
    ...it don’t mean fuck all to them.
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    It doesn’t mean a thing to them.
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    Human history is a steady stream of
    massacres and bloodshed.
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    But when it comes to scope and scale
    of atrocities, nothing compares to
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    the colonization of the so-called Americas.
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    What is now tacitly acknowledged as a genocide
    against the continents’ original inhabitants,
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    was in fact a series of dozens, if not hundreds
    of different genocides carried out against
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    distinct nations by Spanish, Portuguese, French
    and British armies, who were aided in this
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    task by the copious and often deliberate spread
    of European-borne diseases.
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    While there’s no single definitive figure,
    most historians estimate that between
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    50 and 112 million Indigenous people
    were killed during the invasion and settlement
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    of the so-called Americas,
    or nearly 95% of the local population.
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    Many nations were entirely wiped out.
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    There’s also no recorded figure for the
    number of Africans killed during the four
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    centuries of the transatlantic slave trade,
    but most estimates range from 14 to 60 million.
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    This includes an estimated two million people
    that died on slave ships,
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    only to be unceremoniously dumped into the ocean.
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    The echoes of these crimes continue
    to reverberate to this day.
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    In the Great Lakes region of so-called North
    America, Dutch, French and British colonizers
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    first encountered the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,
    a powerful alliance of five indigenous nations:
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    the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca
    – with a sixth nation, the Tuscarora,
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    joining in 1722.
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    These settlers were fascinated by the Haudenosaunee’s
    system of governance, which was much more
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    sophisticated than any found
    during that time in Europe.
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    So much so, that many of its principles eventually
    found their way into the US Constitution.
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    Yet despite signing treaties of mutual respect
    and co-existence with the Haudenosaunee, most
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    notably the Two-Row Wampum, or Guswhenta,
    settler populations in the territories now
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    ruled by the American and Canadians states
    have repeatedly failed to live up to their obligations.
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    This has been the source of sustained tensions,
    and several stand-offs that have galvanized
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    Indigenous anti-colonial resistance
    across Turtle Island.
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    I grew up seeing land struggles and struggles
    about land and being involved in it as a child.
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    My mother’s family were very, very involved
    in a lot of political struggles away from
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    the band council system.
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    I grew up hearing stories from my aunt and
    everybody about everything that happened.
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    Whenever I really started to get passionate
    about everything, I was like 16.
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    But, I got pregnant so that’s
    what put that off to the side.
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    Ten years down the road, I’m in a place
    in my life when I can actually do something
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    and that’s what brought me together with
    some like-minded people.
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    We’re not following band council, we’re not
    following Canada, and we’re not following Quebec.
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    We’re following our own rights as
    indigenous people, as native people,
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    as Kanienʼkehá꞉ka people.
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    We don’t all agree on everything, but at
    the same time we bring our strengths together.
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    And we’re taking back our land.
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    The mayor of Oka came and brought this proposal
    and said they wanna expand the golf course
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    into the pine forest where right at the line
    of where the golf club ends and the pine forest
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    begins, we have a graveyard there of graves
    that have been there for hundreds of years.
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    And the pine forest is like, thousands of
    years old, I mean the pines are huge.
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    The native people in Kanehsatake said “No.
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    You’re not building a golf course and tearing
    up our graveyard and cutting down all the pines."
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    The answer was no immediately.
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    And that’s what sparked everything.
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    I didn’t go to the meetings in the beginning
    but by May, I jumped in a car with a bunch
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    of ladies and we all took off
    and went to Kanehsatake.
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    In my early twenties I was trying to give
    my son at the time who was just only like
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    2-3 years old a better example
    of what a role-model that I could be.
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    That time came to stand there and say “I’m
    gonna be part of this because now I’m a
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    woman, I’m not a child
    where my mother had to just bring me.”
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    We can’t stop fighting for this because
    land is like, one of the most important things
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    to native people.
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    How do you practice a culture
    when you don’t have a land base?
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    How do your survive a culture
    when you don’t have a land base?
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    This is what we used to teach
    our children and our people.
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    It was just a regular day.
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    It was like really early in the morning,
    people weren’t even really awake yet.
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    There was a few people puttering around or
    whatever you know, either fixing a fire or
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    making coffee or doing something you know
    not everyone was awake at the time.
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    And then, all I remember the women telling
    me is that they just heard cars and car doors
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    and then they looked up towards the highway,
    because they were in the pines,
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    and they looked up towards the highway.
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    It was just SQ cars.
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    Just kept pulling up,
    pulling up, pulling up, pulling up.
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    And then they just started getting out of
    the cars fully dressed with all their bulletproof
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    vests and their assault rifles.
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    The women just looked and they were like
    “what the fuck is going on?”
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    And then they just decided to run to the front
    and they all locked arms and they stood across
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    the dirt road that came into the pines, and
    the police were telling them “you have to
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    get out, you have to leave.”
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    And they said “we’re not leaving.
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    We’re not going anywhere.
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    We’re staying right here, this is our land
    we’re not leaving.”
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    And of course they didn’t listen to them
    you know, they just started throwing tear
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    gas and I think that’s
    when all hell broke loose.
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    Reporter: I don’t know
    if you can hear any of that.
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    News Anchor: Yes.
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    It sounds like shots.
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    Reporter: Uhh they launched, I don’t know,
    about half a dozen or a dozen canisters of tear gas.
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    There’s smoke.
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    Anchor: Ivan, as much as you can see
    are the warriors pulling back now?
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    Reporter: Oh, uhm, everybody was.
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    I mean we’re cars, we’re moving tents,
    we’re moving people.
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    Uh reporters are-
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    News Anchor: Are those shots?
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    Ivan?
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    Hello?
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    It was a bloody day at the Mohawk Indian
    community in Oka, Quebec near Montreal.
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    Provincial police in riot gear stormed the
    barricades the Mohawks had set up.
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    There were clouds of tear gas,
    a hail of bullets,
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    and in the midst of the battle
    a policeman was killed.
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    For us as Ongwehonweh, or native people that
    have already been here.
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    We have a culture, we have a way of life,
    and we have a connection.
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    And all of that is a combination of what we
    stand for and how we stand up for our beliefs.
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    And going as far as having a physical confrontation
    with police forces, Swat teams, Army,
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    we’ve done it.
    And succeeded.
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    You got other people trying to say there’s
    no place for the warriors or no place for
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    weapons and we’re all peaceful forever.
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    That’s not how it’s supposed to be.
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    We’re not here to kill people.
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    We’re here to protect our land, we’re
    here to protect ourselves and that’s always,
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    always the goal.
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    If it comes to those extreme cases like in
    1990, of course people are gonna have weapons.
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    But the weapons are not to be used.
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    This is our understanding that
    we have in our culture.
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    We’re not there to hurt, we’re not there
    to kill anybody.
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    In my belief, I’m traditional,
    and that’s all there is to it.
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    But, what comes with being traditional?
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    It comes with the political aspects and it
    comes with the ceremonial aspects
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    so we have to take care of both.
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    Practising sovereignty
    is not holding a band card.
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    It doesn’t mean anything, it means that
    you have a number form the government to say
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    that you’re registered
    and you’re on their list.
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    Practising sovereignty is practising your
    culture, your beliefs and you’re standing
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    up for what you believe in.
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    There are few geopolitical conflicts more
    intractable than the decades-long struggle
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    for the establishment of a Palestinian homeland
    in the areas claimed by the Israeli state.
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    The fertile lands between the Jordan River
    and the Mediterranean, have been fought over
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    for thousands of years.
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    Their capital, Jerusalem, is considered holy
    by all three Abrahamic religions
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    – Islam, Christianity and Judaism.
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    Zionism, an ideological movement based around
    the imagined return of Jews to their biblical
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    homeland, Israel, began to
    pick up steam in the early 20th century.
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    It was seen at the time as a potential solution
    to the centuries of anti-semitic persecution
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    the Jewish people had faced
    at the hands of European Christians.
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    Following the horrors of the Holocaust, in
    which two-thirds of European Jews were killed,
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    support within the colonial ruling classes
    swung behind the establishment
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    of a Jewish homeland.
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    But rather than establish it within the restructured
    borders of Europe, the Zionist movement was
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    granted a sliver of the Arab World, in an
    area the Ancient Greeks referred to as Palestina.
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    Since then, the Israeli state has methodically
    expanded its borders, while tightening restrictions
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    on its internal Arab population.
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    Under the unquestioned protection of the Trump
    regime, they have largely abandoned any pretense
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    of seeking a lasting peace with their Palestinian
    neighbours, seeking instead to increase the
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    pace of settlement construction in
    the territories they occupied in 1967.
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    But Palestinians displaced during the Nakba
    of 1948 have never given up their dreams of
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    returning to their homeland.
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    And the brave resistance of
    the Palestinian people to Israeli occupation
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    is famous all around the world.
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    I was born in Tel Aviv a long time ago.
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    Growing up,
    initially I bought everything that I was told.
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    That we, the Jewish people,
    were constant victims.
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    We’d never harmed anyone.
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    But then, as I was getting close to the age
    where every Israeli is supposed to go to the
  • 21:39 - 21:44
    army – every Jewish Israeli – I started
    hearing about things that were happening.
  • 21:44 - 21:49
    And it... uhhh... yeah it was incredibly painful.
  • 21:49 - 21:55
    It really ripped up my illusions about what
    I was a part of, and what my people were doing.
  • 21:56 - 21:59
    And I did not understand much.
  • 21:59 - 22:03
    But I knew that people were
    fighting for their freedom.
  • 22:03 - 22:05
    And we were killing them for it.
  • 22:06 - 22:08
    Palestine is not just about statehood.
  • 22:08 - 22:13
    It’s about the return of the
    Palestinians to their historic homeland,
  • 22:13 - 22:18
    which is from the Jordan River
    to the Mediterranean.
  • 22:19 - 22:26
    The Jewish colony in Palestine — the Jewish
    state — was created by the British,
  • 22:26 - 22:30
    who promised the Palestinian land,
    that they had colonized, to Jews.
  • 22:30 - 22:38
    So this colonial act, the fact that Britain
    felt that they could promise this land to
  • 22:38 - 22:43
    whoever they wanted
    was the kind of original sin here.
  • 22:43 - 22:49
    At the same time the British were crushing
    popular Palestinian uprisings.
  • 22:50 - 22:55
    Between 1936 and 1939 – it’s called the
    Great Revolt – ten percent of the male population
  • 22:55 - 22:57
    of Palestine was either exiled or killed.
  • 22:57 - 23:00
    So by 1948, the population was depleted.
  • 23:00 - 23:05
    So that’s how thirty percent of the population
    of Palestine, which by that time was Jewish,
  • 23:05 - 23:10
    could overpower, and displace,
    and disenfranchise, and throw out
  • 23:10 - 23:13
    the Palestinian people from these areas.
  • 23:14 - 23:21
    That the security of the Israeli people will be
    reconciled with the hopes of the Palestinian people,
  • 23:21 - 23:27
    this brave gamble that the future
    can be better than the past, must endure.
  • 23:32 - 23:38
    It was a big mistake that the PLO
    made this foolish Oslo agreement.
  • 23:38 - 23:44
    The Palestinian Authority, in entering into
    the Oslo Accords, effectively surrendered
  • 23:44 - 23:46
    its right to armed struggle.
  • 23:46 - 23:53
    And from that moment on, they’ve worked
    with the Israeli state to control and actually
  • 23:53 - 23:57
    dampen popular resistance inside Palestine.
  • 23:57 - 24:01
    They took the role of local affairs.
  • 24:01 - 24:08
    All the main issues – the borders, the independent
    state, the settlements, Jerusalem, water even...
  • 24:08 - 24:14
    energy – and sixty percent of the lands
    stayed in the hands of the Israeli occupation.
  • 24:14 - 24:16
    Nothing changed.
  • 24:17 - 24:21
    There is no legal system in
    the Palestinian Authority.
  • 24:21 - 24:28
    The security forces here – which have different
    names, different factions, different brigades
  • 24:28 - 24:32
    — they just... without any kind of law,
    they arrest people.
  • 24:32 - 24:34
    The Israelis?
  • 24:34 - 24:37
    There’s a system... not a real system,
    but a military system.
  • 24:37 - 24:41
    They charge the Palestinians
    for any reason, a long time.
  • 24:41 - 24:47
    As long as the Palestinian Authority arrests
    whoever Israel tells them to arrest,
  • 24:47 - 24:53
    shares intelligence, proves its worth
    ... it’s allowed to exist.
  • 24:53 - 24:59
    If the role of the Palestinian Authority becomes
    like this, only taking the dirty work from
  • 24:59 - 25:03
    the occupation,
    it becomes a very corrupted authority.
  • 25:06 - 25:11
    Thousands of demonstrators advanced on the
    border fence that separates Gaza from Israel.
  • 25:11 - 25:15
    The Israeli military accused some
    in the crowd of being terrorists.
  • 25:15 - 25:20
    Soldiers opened fire, killing more than fifty
    Palestinians, including eight children.
  • 25:22 - 25:28
    The Great March of Return is a popular act
    of resistance that’s organized by
  • 25:28 - 25:32
    a large swathe of actors within Gaza.
  • 25:32 - 25:37
    It is popular resistance, and it has been
    slightly misrepresented as somehow being created
  • 25:37 - 25:39
    by Hamas, which it was not.
  • 25:39 - 25:45
    Many of the protesters that go out every week
    are not members of Hamas.
  • 25:45 - 25:52
    The people killed are from all political parties,
    and many are not affiliated with a political party.
  • 25:52 - 25:56
    Y’know, not to mention the number of children
    who have been murdered that are not, obviously,
  • 25:56 - 25:58
    politically affiliated.
  • 25:58 - 26:01
    People go to protest because the situation
    is unbearable.
  • 26:01 - 26:04
    And they do it even when
    they’re told not to.
  • 26:04 - 26:05
    Because they see no other option.
  • 26:05 - 26:09
    There is no other option of
    a life with dignity right now in Gaza.
  • 26:09 - 26:15
    So it’s accepting a life without dignity,
    or trying to fight for a different life.
  • 26:15 - 26:20
    These decentralized, but coordinated actions
    go back to the First Intifada, which is why
  • 26:20 - 26:22
    the First Intifada was so special.
  • 26:22 - 26:24
    This moment of popular resistance.
  • 26:24 - 26:28
    A groundswell of resistance from all sectors
    of Palestinian society.
  • 26:28 - 26:32
    Regardless of class, gender
    ... everyone was involved.
  • 26:33 - 26:39
    The Second Intifada started, after a few months,
    to become an armed resistance.
  • 26:39 - 26:42
    But they discovered that it
    cannot lead to anything.
  • 26:42 - 26:47
    Even Hamas, which is dependent on military
    resistance, or armed resistance,
  • 26:47 - 26:51
    found that in order to continue
    their control, their position,
  • 26:51 - 26:54
    they need to depend on popular resistance.
  • 26:54 - 27:02
    So the First Intifada is the big example for
    the coming future for the Palestinian community.
  • 27:02 - 27:08
    In the West Bank, I think the situation is
    going to be the Third Intifada.
  • 27:08 - 27:12
    And this situation will not remain
    as it is for a long time.
  • 27:16 - 27:21
    There’s this continuity of Palestinians
    resisting occupation since 1948.
  • 27:21 - 27:24
    Twenty percent of Israeli citizens are Palestinian.
  • 27:24 - 27:29
    Obviously Palestinians live in the West Bank,
    Jerusalem – which is their capital –
  • 27:29 - 27:30
    and Gaza.
  • 27:30 - 27:34
    And then there are Palestinians living in
    refugee camps throughout the Arab world.
  • 27:34 - 27:36
    And of course the global diaspora.
  • 27:36 - 27:38
    This is one people.
  • 27:38 - 27:39
    The Palestinians are one people.
  • 27:39 - 27:41
    The Palestinians know that.
  • 27:41 - 27:44
    The Palestinian Revolution
    is there to break the status quo.
  • 27:44 - 27:45
    And the status quo won’t crush them.
  • 28:02 - 28:05
    Anarchists have a mixed history
    when it comes to anti-colonial struggle.
  • 28:05 - 28:11
    We are generally critical of nationalism,
    seeing it as an ideology that allows for the
  • 28:11 - 28:14
    papering over of other contradictions
    within a given society.
  • 28:14 - 28:19
    According to this line of thought, buried
    within the national aspirations that animate
  • 28:19 - 28:24
    anti-colonial struggle, are the seeds for
    the reproduction of oppressive hierarchies,
  • 28:24 - 28:26
    and ultimately a new state.
  • 28:26 - 28:33
    That said, this criticism has, unsurprisingly,
    been markedly less common among non-European
  • 28:33 - 28:37
    anarchists with first-hand
    experience of national oppression.
  • 28:37 - 28:41
    From the famous Indian
    revolutionary Bhagat Singh,
  • 28:41 - 28:44
    to the Cuban revolutionary
    Camilo Cienfuegos...
  • 28:44 - 28:48
    many prominent anti-colonial figures have
    either identified as anarchists,
  • 28:48 - 28:51
    or drawn inspiration from anarchist teachings.
  • 28:51 - 28:56
    And countless other lesser-known anarchists
    have participated in struggles for national
  • 28:56 - 29:03
    self-determination, or continue to do so today...
    from those waged by the Mapuche in Wallmapu
  • 29:03 - 29:06
    to the Kurds of Rojava.
  • 29:08 - 29:14
    So the international solidarity movement is
    international volunteers that come to support
  • 29:14 - 29:16
    the Palestinian popular struggle.
  • 29:16 - 29:22
    Yesterday there were homes under threat of
    demolition, the volunteers were in the homes
  • 29:22 - 29:26
    with the families trying to, you know, resist
    them being removed from their homes.
  • 29:26 - 29:28
    There are demonstrations.
  • 29:28 - 29:32
    Areas of Hebron that are under Israeli control,
    Tel Rumeida, the children are under constant
  • 29:32 - 29:37
    risk of attack and harassment, the volunteers
    take the kids to school and bring them back
  • 29:37 - 29:38
    from school.
  • 29:38 - 29:44
    I see that those activists in solidarity with
    the Palestinian people helps give us hope
  • 29:44 - 29:51
    that we are not alone, opens the eyes of the
    world about the human rights issues and the
  • 29:51 - 29:53
    occupation happening in Palestine.
  • 29:56 - 30:02
    I think there's a problem with Western and
    white particular anarchists, that they're
  • 30:02 - 30:07
    not able to distinguish identity from national
    aspirations.
  • 30:09 - 30:14
    Anarchists tend to say, well they're anti-national
    so why do you want to fight for a nation state?
  • 30:15 - 30:20
    This is an incredibly facile and white way
    of looking at things.
  • 30:21 - 30:22
    It is also arrogant.
  • 30:23 - 30:29
    Fannon understood the importance of national
    liberation struggles as defined as national
  • 30:29 - 30:34
    liberation struggles, because that is how
    they were confronted by settler-colonial regimes.
  • 30:34 - 30:40
    They were controlled as Bantu, as Algerian
    Arabs, as Palestinians, as whatever.
  • 30:40 - 30:46
    You become those identities, all our identities
    are constructed, but those are the identities
  • 30:46 - 30:49
    in which the Palestinians are acting now.
  • 30:50 - 30:57
    I feel it's impossible to talk about the dangers,
    right now, you know of Palestinian nationalism.
  • 30:58 - 31:05
    Palestinians are stripped of their agency
    to determine so many aspects of their lives
  • 31:05 - 31:07
    and their self-determination...
  • 31:08 - 31:14
    When power shifts, and Palestinians are in
    control of their lives and of their land and
  • 31:14 - 31:18
    of their state, uh... then maybe we can revisit
    this..?
  • 31:18 - 31:21
    But I don't feel that it's relevant to the
    current situation
  • 31:22 - 31:29
    If you achieve your rights, justice, freedom
    and others, you can think how to deal with
  • 31:29 - 31:30
    your neighbor.
  • 31:30 - 31:32
    Maybe united, cooperating...
  • 31:32 - 31:33
    I dunno.
  • 31:34 - 31:37
    But without this solution happening, nothing.
  • 31:37 - 31:40
    That conflict will continue.
  • 31:40 - 31:50
    The more racist Israelis will be going, and
    the more religious or Salafist under the occupation
  • 31:51 - 31:54
    people in the Palestinian situation.
  • 31:55 - 32:00
    Palestine is the litmus test of a true revolutionary
    in this country.
  • 32:00 - 32:05
    And if you're not one hundred percent on board,
    then shut the fuck up.
  • 32:05 - 32:09
    And that goes for fucking anarchists, and
    I don't care, or any sort of leftists.
  • 32:09 - 32:12
    Shut up and listen, and listen to the people
    on the ground, listen to the people conducting
  • 32:12 - 32:16
    the BDS, listen to the revolutionaries in
    Palestine.
  • 32:16 - 32:18
    And that's the way you do it.
  • 32:25 - 32:28
    Don't start something you can't finish.
  • 32:28 - 32:29
    You know?
  • 32:29 - 32:33
    Don't start trying to be something you're
    not either, so whatever you're good at, find
  • 32:33 - 32:38
    if that's what you're passionate about and
    find a way to mix it with your talents so
  • 32:38 - 32:41
    you're enjoying yourself because it does get
    hard.
  • 32:41 - 32:45
    You know it's emotionally exhausting and there
    comes a point where you just have to take
  • 32:45 - 32:49
    a step back and to remember to take care of
    yourself.
  • 32:49 - 32:54
    Anarchist have to be careful to nuance how
    they relate to the concept of sovereignty.
  • 32:54 - 32:55
    It shouldn't be fixed.
  • 32:55 - 33:00
    It needs to be a dynamic understanding of
    the ways struggle demands from non-indigenous
  • 33:00 - 33:07
    anarchists to constantly rethink and reevaluate
    their relationship to a set of ideas and practices.
  • 33:08 - 33:11
    Be aware of how whiteness functions in various
    spaces of struggle.
  • 33:11 - 33:16
    You can be super down, and you can have a
    great understanding of how whiteness operates
  • 33:16 - 33:20
    in the world, but you don't have control over
    how people react to your whiteness.
  • 33:20 - 33:26
    So you've gotta be humble and understand that
    no matter who you are, whiteness will always
  • 33:26 - 33:28
    be triggering for some people.
  • 33:28 - 33:34
    So know when to step back, when to be quiet
    and know when just to walk away.
  • 33:35 - 33:37
    It's like, the way I envision it is like two
    braids.
  • 33:37 - 33:41
    Like you have the boat here and you've got
    like all your intermingling and all your people
  • 33:41 - 33:44
    and ideas, and over here we have our braid
    going on.
  • 33:44 - 33:48
    And people have to realize that it's not just
    one straight and narrow path that everyone
  • 33:48 - 33:53
    has to take, there's a weaving going on and
    we're all connected one way or another.
  • 33:54 - 33:59
    You have to get away from colonialism's way
    of thinking and you have to start thinking
  • 33:59 - 34:00
    on your own.
  • 34:00 - 34:05
    The main intention is not yourself as the
    priority.
  • 34:05 - 34:11
    The main intention for this to work is the
    priority of the other generations coming,
  • 34:11 - 34:19
    that we keep this equality and peaceful practices
    going for them, not just for me.
  • 34:19 - 34:25
    Capitalism continues to fuel the aggressive
    extractive projects snaking across the continent.
  • 34:25 - 34:32
    Anarchists fighting against exploitative processes
    of capitalism should think about how important
  • 34:32 - 34:35
    it is to link their struggle to anti-colonial
    resistance.
  • 34:35 - 34:43
    And for many, I think this means rethinking
    post-revolutionary ideas of industrial societies.
  • 34:44 - 34:48
    You have to go back to the beginning, to the
    Royal Proclamation, if we're going to get
  • 34:48 - 34:51
    rid of Canada, that's what it comes down to.
  • 34:51 - 34:54
    Because if they're not upholding their agreements
    then they need to leave.
  • 34:54 - 34:58
    That government system, I'm not saying all
    non-native people have to leave, but that
  • 34:58 - 35:01
    political structure and that government system
    need to go.
  • 35:02 - 35:10
    The Zionist State, Israel, would have to be
    dismantled and a new system based on equality,
  • 35:10 - 35:12
    equal rights would have to be created.
  • 35:12 - 35:15
    One in which we could all live together as
    equals.
  • 35:15 - 35:21
    And I believe that, I mean, I know how wonderful
    that can be because my life is an example
  • 35:21 - 35:23
    of that.
  • 35:23 - 35:27
    So I'm really looking forward for that day,
    for the refugees to return, the prisoners
  • 35:27 - 35:32
    to be freed and the occupation to end and
    apartheid to be dismantled, where I can meet
  • 35:32 - 35:37
    my friends from Gaza on the beach of Haifa, and have a cappuccino
  • 35:37 - 35:41
    We have a date for that day. So, we're looking forward to it.
  • 35:52 - 35:57
    There are few struggles with higher stakes
    than those waged by Indigenous peoples against
  • 35:57 - 36:00
    their colonial occupiers.
  • 36:00 - 36:05
    This is because the assertion of collective
    self-determination that they represent is
  • 36:05 - 36:10
    a direct attack on the legitimacy of the dominant
    colonial power structure.
  • 36:10 - 36:16
    For states, they are therefore existential
    threats... and tend to be treated as such.
  • 36:16 - 36:22
    The intense level of conflict that often result
    from these clashes can in turn rupture the
  • 36:22 - 36:25
    illusion of social peace.
  • 36:25 - 36:29
    This poses opportunities for revolutionaries,
    but also considerable risks.
  • 36:30 - 36:36
    It draws clear battle lines, allowing states
    to mobilize their own national identities,
  • 36:36 - 36:40
    in order to allow for the intensification
    of repression.
  • 36:40 - 36:45
    Non-indigenous anarchists must be well aware
    of these dynamics, both in order to anticipate
  • 36:45 - 36:51
    and help combat nationalist reaction, and
    to be able to act in complicity with all those
  • 36:51 - 36:57
    who take up determined struggle against our
    mutual enemies within the ruling class.
  • 36:57 - 37:01
    So at this point, we’d like to remind you
    that Trouble is intended to be watched in
  • 37:01 - 37:06
    groups, and to be used as a resource to promote
    discussion and collective organizing.
  • 37:06 - 37:11
    Are you interested in getting more involved
    with Indigenous solidarity work in your area,
  • 37:11 - 37:17
    or starting a group to provide sustained material
    support to folks on the ground in Palestine?
  • 37:17 - 37:22
    Consider getting together with some comrades,
    organizing a screening of this film, and discussing
  • 37:22 - 37:24
    where to get started.
  • 37:24 - 37:29
    Interested in running regular screenings of
    Trouble at your campus, infoshop, community
  • 37:29 - 37:32
    center, or even just at home with friends?
  • 37:32 - 37:34
    Become a Trouble-Maker!
  • 37:34 - 37:38
    For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
    with an advanced copy of the show, and a screening
  • 37:38 - 37:42
    kit featuring additional resources and some
    questions you can use to get a discussion
  • 37:42 - 37:44
    going.
  • 37:44 - 37:47
    If you can’t afford to support us financially,
    no worries!
  • 37:47 - 37:55
    You can stream and/or download all our content
    for free off our website: sub.media/trouble.
  • 37:55 - 38:00
    If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics,
    or just want to get in touch, drop us a line
  • 38:00 - 38:03
    at trouble@sub.media.
  • 38:03 - 38:07
    Just a reminder that we’re still in the
    middle of our 2019 fundraiser.
  • 38:07 - 38:12
    Thanks to everyone who’s chipped in so far...
    with your help, we’re now more than half-way
  • 38:12 - 38:16
    to our goal of raising two thousand dollars
    in monthly donations.
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    If you haven’t donated yet, but you like
    what we do and want to see more of it, please
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    go to sub.media/donate and sign up to be a
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    month.
  • 38:29 - 38:36
    This episode would not have been possible
    without the generous support of Chelsea, Whitney,
  • 38:36 - 38:40
    B, Mos'ab and the good folks at the International
    Solidarity Movement.
  • 38:40 - 38:46
    Stay tuned next month for Trouble 22, as we
    take a closer look at the rising tide of xenophobic
  • 38:46 - 38:51
    anti-migrant hysteria sweeping the so-called
    United States...
  • 38:51 - 38:55
    ...they want all the rights and privileges
    of being United Sates citizens and they don't
  • 38:55 - 38:58
    have those rights and privileges, they're
    here illegally.
  • 38:58 - 39:01
    ...and what people are doing to fight back.
  • 39:01 - 39:04
    Now get out there…. and make some trouble!
Title:
Trouble 21: Land and Freedom
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
English
Duration:
39:31

English subtitles

Revisions