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About 12 years ago,
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I gave up my career in banking
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to try to make the world a safer place.
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This involved a journey into
national and global advocacy
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and meeting some of the most
extraordinary people in the world.
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In the process, I became
a civil society diplomat.
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Civil society diplomats do three things:
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They voice the concerns of the people,
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are not pinned down by national interests,
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and influence change
through citizen networks,
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not only state ones.
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And if you want to change the world,
we need more of them.
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But many people still ask,
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"Can civil society really
make a big difference?
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Can citizens influence and shape
national and global policy?"
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I never thought I would ask
myself these questions,
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but here I am to share some lessons
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about two powerful civil society
movements that I've been involved in.
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They are in issues
that I'm passionate about:
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gun control and drug policy.
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And these are issues that matter here.
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Latin America is ground zero
for both of them.
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For example, Brazil --
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this beautiful country hosting TEDGlobal
has the world's ugliest record.
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We are the number one champion
in homicidal violence.
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One in every 10 people killed
around the world is a Brazilian.
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This translates into over 56,000 people
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dying violently each year.
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Most of them are young, black boys
dying by guns.
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Brazil is also one of the world's
largest consumers of drugs,
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and the War on Drugs
has been especially painful here.
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Around 50 percent of the homicides
in the streets in Brazil
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are related to the War on Drugs.
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The same is true for about
25 percent of people in jail.
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And it's not just Brazil that is affected
by the twin problems of guns and drugs.
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Virtually every country and city across
Central and South America is in trouble.
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Latin America has nine percent
of the world's population,
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but 25 percent
of its global violent deaths.
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These are not problems
we can run away from.
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I certainly could not.
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So the first campaign I got involved with
started here in 2003
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to change Brazil's gun law
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and to create a program
to buy back weapons.
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In just a few years,
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we not only changed national legislation
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that made it much more difficult
for civilians to buy a gun,
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but we collected and destroyed
almost half a million weapons.
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This was one of the biggest
buyback programs in history --
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(Applause) --
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but we also suffered some setbacks.
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We lost a referendum to ban
gun sales to civilians in 2005.
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The second initiative was also home-grown,
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but is today a global movement to reform
the international drug control regime.
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I am the executive coordinator
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of something called
The Global Commission on Drug Policy.
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The commission is a high-level group
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of global leaders brought together
to identify more humane
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and effective approaches
to the issue of drugs.
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Since we started in 2008,
the taboo on drugs is broken.
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Across the Americas, from the west
in Mexico to Colombia and Uruguay,
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change is in the air.
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But rather than tell you the whole story
about these two movements,
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I just want to share with you
four key insights.
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I call them lessons to change the world.
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There are certainly many more,
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but these are the ones
that stand out to me.
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So the first lesson is:
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Change and control the narrative.
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It may seem obvious,
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but a key ingredient
to civil society diplomacy
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is first changing and then
controlling the narrative.
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This is something that veteran
politicians understand,
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but that civil society groups
generally do not do very well.
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In the case of drug policy,
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our biggest success has been
to change the discussion
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away from prosecuting a War on Drugs
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to putting people's health
and safety first.
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In a cutting-edge report
we just launched in New York,
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we also showed that the groups benefiting
most from this $320 billion market
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are criminal gangs and cartels.
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So in order to undermine
the power and profit of these groups,
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we need to change the conversation.
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We need to make illegal drugs legal.
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But before I get you too excited,
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I don't mean drugs
should be a free-for-all.
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What I'm talking about, and what
the Global Commission advocates for
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is creating a highly regulated market,
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where different drugs would have
different degrees of regulation.
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As for gun control,
we were successful in changing,
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but not so much
in controlling, the narrative.
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And this brings me to my next lesson:
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Never underestimate your opponents.
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If you want to succeed
in changing the world,
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you need to know who you're up against.
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You need to learn their motivations
and points of view.
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In the case of gun control,
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we really underestimated our opponents.
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After a very successful
gun-collection program,
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we were elated.
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We had support from
80 percent of Brazilians,
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and thought that this could help us
win the referendum
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to ban gun sales to civilians.
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But we were dead wrong.
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During a televised 20-day public debate,
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our opponent used
our own arguments against us.
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We ended up losing the popular vote.
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It was really terrible.
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The National Rifle Association --
yes, the American NRA --
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came to Brazil.
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They inundated our campaign
with their propaganda,
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that as you know,
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links the right to own guns
to ideas of freedom and democracy.
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They simply threw everything at us.
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They used our national flag,
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our independence anthem.
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They invoked women's rights
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and misused images of Mandela,
Tiananmen Square, and even Hitler.
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They won by playing with people's fears.
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In fact, guns were almost completely
ignored in their campaign.
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Their focus was on individual rights.
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But I ask you,
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which right is more important,
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the right to life
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or the right to have a gun
that takes life away?
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(Applause)
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We thought people would vote
in defense of life,
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but in a country with a recent past
of military dictatorship,
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the anti-government message
of our opponents resonated,
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and we were not prepared to respond.
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Lesson learned.
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We've been more successful
in the case of drug policy.
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If you asked most people 10 years ago if
an end to the War on Drugs was possible,
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they would have laughed.
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After all, there are huge
military police prisons
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and financial establishments
benefiting from this war.
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But today, the international drug
control regime is starting to crumble.
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Governments and civil societies
are experimenting with new approaches.
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The Global Commission on Drug Policy
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really knew its opposition,
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and rather than fighting them,
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our chair -- former Brazilian President
Fernando Henrique Cardoso --
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reached out to leaders
from across the political spectrum,
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from liberals to conservatives.
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This high level group
agreed to honestly discuss
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the merits and flaws of drug policies.
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It was this reasoned, informed
and strategic discussion
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that revealed the sad truth
about the War on Drugs.
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The War on Drugs has simply failed
across every metric.
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Drugs are cheaper
and more available than ever,
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and consumption has risen globally.
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But even worse,
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it also generated massive
negative unintended consequences.
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It is true that some people
have made these arguments before,
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but we've made a difference
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by anticipating the arguments
of our opponents
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and by leveraging powerful voices
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that a few years ago
would probably have resisted change.
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Third lesson: Use data
to drive your argument.
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Guns and drugs are emotive issues,
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and as we've painfully learned
in the gun referendum campaign in Brazil,
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sometimes it's impossible
to cut through the emotions
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and get to the facts.
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But this doesn't mean
that we shouldn't try.
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Until quite recently,
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we simply didn't know
how many Brazilians were killed by guns.
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Amazingly, it was a local soap opera
called "Mulheres Apaixonadas" --
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or "Women in Love" --
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that kicked off Brazil's
national gun control campaign.
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In one highly viewed episode,
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a soap opera lead actress
was killed by a stray bullet.
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Brazilian grannies
and housewives were outraged,
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and in a case of art imitating life,
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this episode also included footage
of a real gun control march
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that we had organized right here,
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outside in Copacabana Beach.
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The televised death and march
had a huge impact on public opinion.
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Within weeks, our national congress
approved the disarmament bill
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that had been languishing for years.
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We were then able to mobilize data
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to show the successful outcomes
of the change in the law
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and gun collection program.
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Here is what I mean:
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We could prove that in just one year,
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we saved more than 5,000 lives.
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(Applause)
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And in the case of drugs,
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in order to undermine this fear
and prejudice that surrounds the issue,
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we managed to gather and present data
that shows that these drug policies
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cause much more harm than drug use per se,
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and people are starting to get it.
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My fourth insight is:
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Don't be afraid to bring
together odd bedfellows.
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What we've learned in Brazil --
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and this doesn't only
apply to my country --
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is the importance of bringing diverse
and eclectic folks together.
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If you want to change the world,
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it helps to have a good cross-section
of society on your side.
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In both the case of guns and drugs,
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we brought together
a wonderful mix of people.
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We mobilized the elite
and got huge support from the media.
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We gathered the victims,
human rights champions, cultural icons.
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We also assembled
the professional classes --
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doctors, lawyers, academia and more.
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What I've learned over the last years
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is that you need coalitions of the willing
and of the unwilling to make change.
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In the case of drugs,
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we needed libertarians,
anti-prohibitionists, legalizers,
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and liberal politicians.
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They may not agree on everything;
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in fact, they disagree
on almost everything.
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But the legitimacy of the campaign
is based on their diverse points of view.
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Over a decade ago,
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I had a comfortable future
working for an investment bank.
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I was as far removed from the world
of civil society diplomacy
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as you can imagine.
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But I took a chance.
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I changed course,
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and on the way, I helped
to create social movements
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that I believe have made
some parts of the world safer.
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Each and every one of us
has the power to change the world.
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No matter what the issue,
and no matter how hard the fight,
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civil society is central
to the blueprint for change.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)