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Showing Revision 3 created 05/30/2018 by submedia.

  1. Greetings Troublemakers...
    welcome to Trouble.

  2. My name is not important.
  3. Capitalism, as an international
    and inter-connected system of
  4. economic domination,
    assumes different forms
  5. in different parts of the world.
  6. This is partly due to the need to adapt
    to local customs and conditions,
  7. and partly by design.
  8. In some territories, local life is
    coloured by the region's significance
  9. to the global economy as a
    source of agricultural production,
  10. or a site of resource extraction.

  11. I come from coal country.
  12. My grandfather was a coal miner
    … actually all my grandfathers.
  13. Others, such as the Pearl River Delta
    region in southeast China,
  14. have been selected for their
    deep reservoirs of cheap labour
  15. and built up into global epicentres
    of low-wage industrial manufacturing.
  16. Here, high-tech gadgets are mass-produced
  17. under the watchful eye of
    the Chinese Communist Party
  18. and shipped off to consumer markets
    in the Global North,
  19. ending up in any number
    of metropolitan cities,
  20. each competing for prominence
    as hubs of cultural production,
  21. research and development,
    and IT.
  22. But although the local character
    of capitalist exploitation
  23. and alienation differs,
    each corner of its global empire
  24. is connected by a unifying logic,
  25. one that aims to coerce the vast majority
    of us to toil our lives away
  26. for the benefit of a tiny minority.
  27. Gentrification, as one of the primary
    methods of urban transformation
  28. under capitalism,
  29. plays out differently in different cities
    and neighbourhoods for similar reasons.
  30. But like the broader
    economic system it's part of,
  31. gentrification has a tendency
    towards homogenization,
  32. creating neighbourhoods
    that look strangely similar
  33. to their counterparts
    half-way across the world.
  34. As we saw in the
    first part of this series,
  35. those caught up in this process
    experience these changes
  36. through the first-hand
    violence of displacement,
  37. and the general dislocation
    brought about by changes
  38. to the communities they grew up in.
  39. Many people,
    rather than be passive observers
  40. to their own forced removal
    from their homes, decide to resist.
  41. Over the next thirty minutes,
    we will look at some of
  42. the stories of resistance coming out of
    the San Francisco Bay Area,
  43. Berlin
    and Montreal.
  44. Along the way, we will speak with
    a number of individuals
  45. who are marking their territory,
    fighting back against the encroachment
  46. of tech companies and high-price
    boutiques into their hoods
  47. ... and making a whole lot of trouble.
  48. Silicon Valley is south of
    San Francisco and Oakland,
  49. and emerged as this Cold War project
    that was receiving a lot of military and
  50. government funding to produce
    different technology during the Cold War.
  51. After the Cold War a lot of these
    companies became more consumer-oriented.
  52. And we can really see this moment
    coinciding with the birth of the Internet
  53. and the rise of the dot com boom.
  54. And what we’re seeing now is that
    the models of Google and Apple
  55. aren’t going to necessarily
    bust in the same ways
  56. that the companies of the
    late 90s and early 2000s busted.
  57. In San Francisco there are
    lots of smaller start-ups.
  58. There are also now big companies,
    like Twitter, right in downtown.
  59. These companies in Silicon Valley
    have enabled their workers
  60. to reverse-commute to and from work,
  61. so that they can live in these
    kind of cool, culturally interesting
  62. neighbourhoods in San Francisco,
    or in Oakland.
  63. Gentrification is impacting
    all of the Bay Area.
  64. There are smaller, personal,
    beautiful acts of resistance
  65. committed by exploited and oppressed
    people in their daily lives everywhere.
  66. The largest flashpoints of resistance
    have been in San Francisco and Oakland.
  67. Many galleries and artists,
    even the well-intentioned,
  68. participate in this process by
    developing spaces and creating works
  69. that cater to a gentrifier audience.
  70. And by not honestly engaging with
    the dynamics around how their projects
  71. actually assist the real estate industry
    and the erasure of local cultures.
  72. KHY serves as a graffiti crew,
    a network of creatives and radicals,
  73. as well as a broader movement
    through which people from various hoods,
  74. spaces and communities express
    their love, rage and solidarities.
  75. We participate in local
    street-rooted projects that produce
  76. both cultural and material resistance
    and prioritize building with
  77. local oppressed and exploited folks.
    Many who have had little or no access
  78. to established activist
    and art institutions.
  79. Most street art is legal,
  80. thereby not challenging
    the concept of private property.
  81. Nor contributing to the fight against
    capital for our public social spaces.
  82. Every act of graffiti challenges the logic
    of property and shatters the illusion
  83. that the state can
    control us at all times.
  84. Even so, graffiti writers and their work
    can align with the goals of gentrification
  85. if they are aren’t conscious
    of several factors.
  86. When graffiti is both illegal
    and explicitly radical in intention,
  87. it is not only a material
    act of resistance,
  88. but also a way through which
    to communicate and inspire,
  89. to explore and familiarize ourselves
    with our physical environments,
  90. and to develop confidence in one’s agency
    and the capacity to execute actions
  91. alone and as part of
    an affinity group or crew.
  92. The Anti-Eviction Mapping Project
    is a data visualization
  93. and digital story-telling collective
    that makes web maps,
  94. that creates community events,
  95. and that does collaborative research
    to fight the eviction crisis.
  96. We work collectively with a number
    of different community partners
  97. and right now we have probably
    about 50 people working in it.
  98. We’ve actually found that
    evictions are proximate
  99. to these phenomenon that
    people call Google bus stops.
  100. But basically they’re bus stops that
    big companies - not just Google -
  101. can use to transport their workers.
  102. So we’ve found that 69%
    of evictions are happening
  103. within four blocks of these bus stops.
  104. Around 2013,
    we decided we would block one.
  105. And it was a collective of different
    housing activists in the Bay Area
  106. that engaged in the first bus protest.
  107. Afterwards other groups
    like Eviction Free San Francisco
  108. created its own bus blockade.
  109. Different anarchist collectives in Oakland
    also created bus blockades.
  110. The media got very involved in these.
  111. And everyone suddenly,
    I think, became aware locally
  112. but also nationally and internationally,
  113. of the sort of correlation
    between real estate speculation
  114. and eviction and high tech.
  115. The police are complicit in gentrification
  116. because they provide
    the physical violence necessary.
  117. The police carry out evictions,
  118. intimidate and threaten
    working-class venues and projects,
  119. harass houseless folks, criminalize
    sex workers, enforce gang injunctions
  120. and just wage general violence
    against us to show that
  121. we aren’t “allowed”
    in these spaces anymore.
  122. In both cities there
    have been police murders,
  123. primarily of Black and Latinx folks,
    related to gentrification.
  124. Many were of people who were simply
    existing in contested social spaces,
  125. such as working-class streets and parks in
    areas being targeted for gentrification.
  126. The city has created apps so that
    you can reserve public playgrounds.
  127. You can pay on this app to reserve, y'know
    a portion of a public park or playground.
  128. And there was this very epic event
    in which some employees
  129. from Drop Box and from Air BnB
    scheduled a soccer match
  130. in this public playground
    through their app,
  131. and proceeded to try to kick youth
    of colour off the playground because,
  132. y’know, they had reserved it on this app.
  133. And meanwhile these youth of colour
    had been playing soccer
  134. for years on this playground
    and didn’t know about the app.
  135. Never had to pay
    … that’s just where they played.
  136. If you wanna play pick-up,
    you play pick-up like the rest of us.
  137. It’s not pick-up. You can book the field.
  138. Just because you got money
    and can pay for the field
  139. you don’t get to book it for an hour,
    to take over these kids fuckin, like…
  140. It’s like 80 bucks!
    It’s like 80 bucks per person.
  141. It’s bullshit. No, it’s bullshit!
  142. Luckily there was a protest
    that ensued after that incident
  143. and the youth won their right to keep on
    playing in their playground
  144. without the app.
  145. Sideshows are essentially large,
    unpermitted moving car shows
  146. that perform stunts.
  147. These shows are hosted by mostly
    working-class youth of colour,
  148. are organized in a decentralized manner
    and gather dozens to hundreds,
  149. and sometimes even thousands,
    of participants.
  150. Approaching police vehicles have
    their dispersal commands ignored
  151. and are often attacked with bottles,
    other projectiles, and are stomped out.
  152. Fuck the police!
  153. When sideshows hold space in the streets,
  154. it is a group effort which can
    relieve the alienation,
  155. anxiety and depression
    that comes with living
  156. in neighbourhoods struggling
    with violence and poverty.
  157. In Berlin, average housing prices
    jumped more than 20% last year,
  158. earning the city the dubious title of the
    hottest real estate market in the world.
  159. Much of this increase has to do
    with a wave of property speculation,
  160. triggered in part by the
    large-scale sell-off,
  161. by the city’s former mayor,
    Klaus Wowereit,
  162. of over 110,000 social housing units
    to private real estate firms
  163. and investment banks like Goldman Sachs.
  164. The rapid spike in property values
    has been accompanied
  165. by a flurry of new high-rise
    condo construction
  166. that is transforming the character
    of working-class neighbourhoods.
  167. And this is happening in a city
    where 85% of residents are renters.
  168. Alongside this meteoric rise
    in the cost of living, for years now,
  169. Berlin has been positioning itself
    as the new Silicon Valley of Europe.
  170. Already home to a growing number
    of global tech start-ups,
  171. the city was recently chosen
    as the site of a new Google campus,
  172. planned to set up shop in the trendy
    working-class neighbourhood of Kreuzberg.
  173. This announcement triggered an
    immediate backlash from local residents
  174. and digital privacy advocates alike,
  175. transforming the proposed
    Google outpost into a potent symbol
  176. of the city's IT-fuelled
    gentrification woes,
  177. and the broader restructuring
    of the global economy
  178. being led by the tech industry.
  179. People are very much concerned
    here that Berlin would turn into
  180. a new San Francisco, or a new Toronto,
    or a new London,
  181. where the most vulnerable people
    got evicted from the centres
  182. and pushed towards the periphery.
  183. Kreuzberg has historically been
    the hot spot for social struggles.
  184. Anarchist communities have
    thrived there since the 90s,
  185. and many movements
    got organized in the neighbourhood.
  186. Since last year,
    many communities and individuals
  187. mobilized against the implantation
    of the Google campus in Kreuzberg.
  188. On the one hand many
    people from the neighborhood
  189. who are affected
    by the ongoing displacement
  190. are fighting against capitalist
    restructuring of the city.
  191. They have felt the increase
    in living cost during the past years
  192. of start-ups moving into the area.
  193. Google Campus
    will only accelerate this process.
  194. On the other hand more and more people
    are starting to realize that Google
  195. is at the center of a growing system
    of totalitarian technological control.
  196. In a very decentralized way,
    a network of opponents got together.
  197. First, posters in the streets,
  198. then public meetings
    in the anarchist library, Kalabal!k.
  199. What is really impressive here is
    to see these decentralized networks
  200. of actors with no real center engaging
    in many diverse direct actions
  201. from graffiti on the walls of the
    Google Campus, to paint attacks.
  202. There have been unregistered
    noise demonstrations
  203. every month at the campus site,
  204. and a Molotov attack on tech co-working
    space Start-Up Factory Görlitzer Park.
  205. Also, The newspaper "Shitstorm"
    with a print of 8000
  206. contains articles criticizing Google
    and the world it stands for,
  207. from an anarchist perspective.
  208. Google is one of the strongest forces
    behind the present convergence
  209. of information tech, cybernetics,
    nano-tech, neuroscience, and bio-tech.
  210. And this is more than just an
    upgrade to the industrial system,
  211. it is a fundamental change
    towards power-as-domination.
  212. Therefore we don’t want
    this entity at all as a neighbour.
  213. It’s not any form of hyper-capitalist
    driven gentrification.
  214. It is Google.
  215. The Google empire responsible for mass
    surveillance of everyone on this planet.
  216. That actually normalized this business
    model based on that mass surveillance.
  217. Where fighting gentrification
    also means fighting mass surveillance.
  218. Also means fighting
    technological dystopia.
  219. Also means fighting
    this hyper-capitalism.
  220. Security around the site of
    the projected Google Campus
  221. has tremendously increased when activists
    started attacking the building itself.
  222. We don’t count anymore the number
    of paint attacks and graffiti attacks.
  223. In several fonts and colours
    already was written ‘Fuck Google’
  224. all over the facade of the building.
  225. So at first they put some security guards,
    then some security guards day and night.
  226. Then several security guards.
  227. Then frequently we
    also see the police there.
  228. Google has been trying to counter
    our efforts to articulate this critique
  229. by throwing money at business owners,
  230. politicians and other
    institutions in the city
  231. and doing their own
    counter public relations.
  232. Until recently most of the groups
    had been united in their practices
  233. of not negotiating with officials.
  234. But divide and conquer
    strategies are starting
  235. to take hold within this community.
  236. The Berlin police are reacting as
    a way to serve these financial interests
  237. of Google and the ones
    who want to take over our city.
  238. We also see that there is a political
    will by the local administration
  239. of the city to accompany
    this tech-based gentrification.
  240. This ‘start-up-ification’ of
    our lives and neighbourhoods.
  241. It is clear to us that it doesn't
    matter what politician is in power
  242. since they will decide
    in favour of capital every time.
  243. What we hope to do is somehow to lower
  244. the attractiveness of the city
    for these companies.
  245. If we kick Google out of Kreuzberg,
    we hope that other companies,
  246. other giants from Silicon Valley,
    would think twice
  247. before thinking to do the same.
  248. Within the colonially-occupied
    territories ruled by the Canadian state,
  249. Montréal stands out among large cities,
  250. both in terms of its militant
    culture of resistance,
  251. and its relatively affordable rents.
  252. But while it hasn't seen
    the same rapid pace of gentrification
  253. as the country's other
    metropolitan regions,
  254. such as the Greater Toronto
    and Vancouver Areas,
  255. Montréal still faces many
    of the same gentrification pressures
  256. seen in countless other
    urban environments around the world.
  257. Namely, an increase in condo construction
    and other luxury development projects,
  258. a saturation of Air B&B rentals,
  259. and the opening of countless boutiques,
    trendy restaurants and hipster cafes
  260. seeking to cater to tourists
    and the city’s more affluent residents.
  261. We bought a building in,
    you know, what was once considered
  262. a 'hood’ and transformed what was a,
    you know, disheveled building into this,
  263. you know, overly-luxurious,
    fantasious, men’s club-type place,
  264. that we could only dream of attending.
  265. These changes are leading to
    significant levels of displacement
  266. from working-class
    and immigrant neighbourhoods,
  267. which in turn has provoked
    widespread community resistance,
  268. including a good number
    of anonymous attacks
  269. emerging from the shadowy ranks of
    the city's sizable network of anarchists.
  270. In a lot of ways people tend
    to use a lot of settler colonial tropes
  271. as a way of legitimizing
    gentrification in Parc Ex.
  272. People frequently refer to
    the neighbourhood as being “exotic”,
  273. as a “hidden gem”,
    or a “newly discovered neighbourhood”.
  274. People express a lot of interest in
    its restaurants but very little concern
  275. with respect to the lives of the folks who
    actually do live in the neighbourhood.
  276. Parc Extension is a
    predominantly working class,
  277. immigrant, and poor
    people of colour neighbourhood
  278. located in sort of the central north part
    of Tio’tia:ke, or so-called Montréal.
  279. Today Parc Extension is one of Canada's
    poorest neighbourhoods.
  280. Plaza Hutchison has long served
    as a community center
  281. and meeting place for Parc-Ex residents.
  282. In Spring 2017, the Plaza Hutchison
    building was purchased
  283. by the BSR group to be converted
    into luxury apartment suites.
  284. From the outset, its manager Ron Basal
    has been very up-front
  285. about stating that the units are all to be
    rented out at so-called "market price"
  286. and are not meant
    to be affordable housing.
  287. We tried to intervene
    in the permit approval process,
  288. we also disrupted a number
    of city council meetings in an effort
  289. to prevent elected officials
    from granting the permit.
  290. We were fairly violently
    forced out of the room by the police.
  291. And committee members
    were actually forced to the ground,
  292. arrested and charged.
  293. I think it’s very clear from his actions
    that Basal is not in the least bit
  294. interested in the well-being
    of the neighbourhood
  295. and is only seeking to profit off
    of the displacement of its residents.
  296. Our experience suggests
    that engaging in municipal politics
  297. only ever brought us to a dead end.
  298. There’s a number of instances
  299. - be it through the rent strikes
    in Toronto and Hamilton,
  300. or building occupations
    that have taken place in Montréal -
  301. that there’s actually a number
    of tactics that exist outside
  302. of administrative and
    political channels that can be
  303. far more effective
    in terms of stopping gentrification.
  304. I think we’ve drawn some inspiration
    from Hochelaga and St. Henri
  305. as places where there have been
    broader based community movements,
  306. but also autonomous,
    affinity-based groups that have been able
  307. to engage in much more
    confrontational actions,
  308. and we believe those groups
    have done really important work
  309. in terms of highlighting the ways in
    which gentrification is a violent process
  310. and how a lot of the
    cafés and vintage stores
  311. actually are very inaccessible
    to the people who
  312. live in those neighbourhoods
    and we definitely hope to do more work in
  313. the coming months to sent a clear message
    to developers and would-be gentrifiers
  314. that if they try to get
    these projects off the ground,
  315. that they will be confronted
    at every step along the way.
  316. We know that gentrification
    tends to be accompanied
  317. by more police violence
    and state repression.
  318. And Parc-Ex in particular is a
    neighbourhood where there already exists
  319. a significant amount of racial profiling,
    of police surveillance and harassment.
  320. An important question we’ve been
    asking ourselves is how we can work
  321. to make the neighbourhood an uncomfortable
    place for would-be gentrifiers,
  322. but also to try to limit the
    ways in which that could contribute
  323. to police presence in the neighbourhood.
  324. So, St. Henri was a historically
    white working-class neighbourhood.
  325. Well... historically
    it’s Kanienkehaka territory
  326. but this is one of the problems
    when talking about gentrification.
  327. It can erase ongoing colonial
    violence and dispossession.
  328. Sometimes, anti-gentrification
    struggles get framed as just
  329. “we want to stay” and that can lend
    itself to some pretty shitty things,
  330. especially in the context of a white
    working-class francophone population
  331. and reactions to displaced folks
    from elsewhere in the world moving here.
  332. There have been some
    good moments in the South West.
  333. For example, the squat in 2013
    that the POPIR was involved in
  334. that forced the city to take a few lots in
    the neighbourhood off the private market.
  335. I have nothing, no sympathy, zero!
  336. They’re punks, they’re anarchists.
    They’re from the black bloc.
  337. There is a wide range of tactics
    used by the struggle
  338. against gentrification in Montreal
    and there always has been.
  339. The sausage heist was an interesting one.
    A very Robin Hood-inspired action.
  340. Just before closing Saturday night
    at Maxine Tremblay’s store,
  341. 30 people in masks stormed in.
  342. Half of them came inside with bags,
    put food in their bags...
  343. They told the employee
    ‘just shut up, don’t move.’
  344. 'Don’t do nothing,
    we just want to steal some stuff.'
  345. They threw smoke bombs,
    stole food, spray painted graffiti
  346. and glued posters to the windows.
  347. Their message?
    Gentrifiers, get out.
  348. It was a brazen attack
    on several businesses
  349. at close to midnight on Saturday.
  350. A group of individuals
    wearing ski masks at the time,
  351. broke the windows of four businesses.
  352. Dressed all in black,
    the vandals damaged store fronts,
  353. as seen in this security video
    obtained by Global News.
  354. If we’re just talking about attacks,
    I’d say that most of the communication
  355. happens through anonymous
    communiques on the internet.
  356. Sometimes there are posters,
    sometimes there is some graff,
  357. sometimes, you know,
    people drop off flyers somewhere.
  358. People have gone door to door
    to put flyers in mailboxes.
  359. The mainstream media, they pick up
    the most spectacular attacks,
  360. and they're not on our side and
    I wouldn't say that people rely on them
  361. to communicate motivations
    and rationale fairly.
  362. It’s no longer vandalism,
    it’s causing terror
  363. to the people who are living in the area.
  364. Corey Shapiro owns
    several businesses in St. Henri.
  365. Two of them were attacked
    over the weekend.
  366. A few years ago, Corey Shapiro,
  367. the almost comical evil figurehead
    of gentrification in St. Henri…
  368. Or as they call me in the area
    where we populate in Montreal
  369. ... ‘The Notorious Gentrifier’.
  370. called for business owners
    to band together
  371. and hire private security for their shops.
  372. His super fancy glasses store,
    L’Archive, kept getting spat on
  373. and he was pissed about it.
  374. One person got a ticket for spitting
    on L’Archive cause undercover cops
  375. were stationed outside the store at night.
  376. Cops have always protected
    those with money.
  377. In Hochelaga specifically,
    the coming of yuppie businesses,
  378. the place valois, and the condos
    were definitely a major factor.
  379. The city is trying to rebrand the
    neighbourhood by renaming the area HOMA
  380. - which is just some fuckin’ hipster
    remix of Hochelaga-Maisonneuve.
  381. They wanna change the image of this
    neighbourhood from a rugged working-class,
  382. like, somewhat criminal area
    to a yuppie playground.
  383. And of course that is just a continuation
  384. of the colonial capitalist
    project of occupation.
  385. Montreal’s police force plays a huge
    role in the process.
  386. They remove street-based sex-workers,
    drug-users, and homeless folks.
  387. They can pretend to be
    objective and neutral all they want
  388. but the laws that they enforce
    benefit business and property owners.
  389. There’s been numerous
    demands by business owners,
  390. specifically those who’ve been
    targeted by direct action,
  391. for an increase in
    cameras in the neighbourhood.
  392. They wanna make sure that
    if anyone steps out of line
  393. there’s gonna be proof and convictions.
  394. The collaboration between the state
    and capitalists is pretty fuckin’ blatant.
  395. It’s Projet Montreal calling
    for so-called 'social mixity',
  396. a fucking code word for gentrification.
  397. These people are friends and they
    just can’t wait for the area to be nicer,
  398. meaning richer and “cleaned up”.
  399. There are community groups
    doing harm reduction
  400. and mutual aid which is good work.
  401. There’s interesting
    decentralized direct action
  402. that goes on which has
    been effective in some ways.
  403. Some businesses were so badly hit,
    they were forced to close for clean-ups.
  404. It’s scary,
    because it’s not the first time.
  405. It worries business owners.
    It angers the rich.
  406. It shows that cops
    are somewhat ineffective,
  407. and definitely allows
    for some cathartic revenge.
  408. When we think of territoriality,
    we should think about it in terms of land
  409. and not neighbourhoods
    as clearly defined spaces.
  410. We shouldn’t be dividing the
    island into lots and smaller lots.
  411. It’s not our decision to make and
    it’s usually just used by the state
  412. to map out and better
    control the city anyways.
  413. Municipal politicians try to
    pacify struggles constantly.
  414. If we listened to them, action other
    than voting would never be the solution.
  415. They’re inherently against conflictuality.
  416. While it can often feel like it,
    the struggle against gentrification
  417. is not a zero-sum game.
  418. By organizing and mounting
    collective resistance
  419. to the forces fueling
    and pushing this process,
  420. communities grow stronger
    and more resilient,
  421. even as they face the attrition
    brought on by displacement.
  422. Lessons learned in a campaign
    to stop the construction
  423. of a luxury condo development
    can be applied to future battles
  424. to halt the selling-off
    of social housing units.
  425. Tactics developed
    in a battle against a new cafe
  426. can be used to bring pressure to bear
    against a notorious slumlord.
  427. When we navigate
    new terrains intentionally,
  428. whether they be darkened back alleyways
    to take out surveillance cameras,
  429. or the hallways of apartment buildings
    to knock on our neighbours doors
  430. -- each provide us with skills that
    we wouldn't have developed
  431. if we hadn't first taken
    the initiative to act.
  432. Confidence and militancy are contagious.
  433. Tactics and strategies honed
    in one struggle can be catalytic,
  434. spreading beyond
    their initial participants
  435. and inspiring others to take similar
    action to defend their own blocks.
  436. I think a great deal about
    the importance of, you know, of centering,
  437. directly affected folks in organizing.
  438. We believe it’s important to think about
    who’s coming to our meetings.
  439. Who are our events being geared towards?
    How are we reaching out to people?
  440. Are we doing the important groundwork
    of handing out flyers,
  441. of you know,
    of knocking on people’s doors,
  442. of reaching people where they’re at?
  443. Start with homies and
    comrades you really trust.
  444. You can start as small as stickering,
    or as big as you’d like,
  445. but act as soon as you can.
  446. Make sure your crew is not only
    rooted in shared views,
  447. but also in friendship and solidarity.
  448. Above all, we also think it’s
    important to align ourselves with
  449. other struggles against poverty, racism,
    and displacement in the neighbourhood.
  450. Learn from and grow and build
    with folks who occupy different spaces
  451. and cultures so that networks grow
    beyond smaller, radical circles.
  452. Organize these networks
    from the local perspective
  453. but with a global objective
    and a global reach.
  454. Ensure to do all to inspire
    the world with what’s happening.
  455. I think it’s important for us to
    remember that we’re on stolen land,
  456. to remember those who
    were initially displaced
  457. and to continue to support struggles
    for Indigenous solidarity as well.
  458. To create that knowledge
    and that fight from the ground up
  459. and to do data work but
    to also do direct action work.
  460. Different groups can
    prioritize different things.
  461. Not everyone has to work on policy.
  462. Not everybody has to produce the maps,
  463. not everybody has to, you know,
    organize direct actions.
  464. But if different groups can
    kind of take on different things,
  465. or maybe different groups can, you know,
    work in different neighbourhoods
  466. or have different regional scopes,
    I think struggles can be
  467. more powerful and effective.
  468. So, you gotta broaden your analysis, you
    gotta find ways to connect your struggle
  469. to community autonomy and mutual aid.
  470. You gotta be focused on
    your short-term goal,
  471. but also connecting them
    to the longer term goals.
  472. Try to stay in your neighbourhood,
  473. build relationships with your
    neighbours who aren’t anarchists
  474. … don’t be afraid of combative tactics,
    but don’t fetishize them either.
  475. Fighting gentrification isn’t necessarily
    fighting capitalism and colonialism.
  476. It has a more limited scope,
    and that opens it up to recuperation.
  477. Unfortunately, I think that
    there has been a fetishization
  478. of tactics and discourse on all sides.
  479. Both in community organizing
    and decentralized attacks.
  480. I guess I’d say I’m annoyed
    with populist discourse
  481. and abstract community-building
    on the left,
  482. and badass posing in informal circles.
  483. I think it’s interesting to
    discuss these different tactics.
  484. To be honest about what they accomplish
    and what are their limitations.
  485. And to be open to
    different things happening.
  486. And engaging in these fights
    through a variety of scales
  487. and with a variety of tactics,
  488. is really important, and I think
    it’s imperative that these processes
  489. and these struggles maintain
    anti-racist, and anti-capitalist, feminist
  490. approaches to their organizing
    and to their theorizing.
  491. I think that’s extremely important.
  492. The conscious desire for total freedom
    requires a transformation of ourselves
  493. and our relationships in the
    context of revolutionary struggle.
  494. It becomes necessary not merely to rush
    into this that, or the other activity.
  495. But to grasp and learn to use all
    of those tools that we can take
  496. as our own and use
    against the current existent
  497. based on domination.
  498. In particular, the analysis of
    the world and our activity in it,
  499. relationships of affinity and
    indomitable spirit.
  500. It has also become necessary
    to recognize and resolutely
  501. avoid those tools of social change
    offered by the current order
  502. that can only reinforce
    the logic of domination and submission,
  503. delegation, negotiation,
    petition, evangelicalism,
  504. the creation of media
    images of ourselves, and so on.
  505. These wider tools precisely
    reinforce hierarchy, separation,
  506. and dependence on the power structure,
  507. which is the reason why they are
    offered to us for use in our struggles.
  508. Fuck off Google (x 6)
  509. I don’t know if it helps.
  510. As our cities continue
    to be steadily transformed
  511. according to dictates of capital,
  512. tossing more working-class,
    racialized and immigrant populations
  513. into new suburban ghettos,
  514. struggles against gentrification will only
    become more urgent and more desperate.
  515. But as long as people
    continue to live in cities,
  516. these urban environments
    will continue to be sites of resistance.
  517. The shape that this resistance takes,
    and the measure of its effectiveness
  518. will depend on the concrete actions taken
    to build solidarity among our neighbours,
  519. prepare our collective defences,
    and sharpen our tools of attack.
  520. This process will require
    active and dedicated engagement
  521. on the part of revolutionaries
    equipped with the patience
  522. to build relationships of
    mutual trust and respect,
  523. and the humility to learn and adapt
    our strategies and tactics as required.
  524. So at this point,
    we’d like to remind you that Trouble
  525. is intended to be watched in groups,
  526. and to be used as a resource to promote
    discussion and collective organizing.
  527. Are you interested in getting
    more involved in fighting gentrification
  528. and defending your block?
  529. Consider getting together
    with some comrades,
  530. organizing a screening of this film,
    and discussing where to get started.
  531. Interested in running
    regular screenings of Trouble
  532. at your campus, infoshop, community center
    or even just at home with your friends?
  533. Become a Trouble-Maker!
  534. For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
    with an advanced copy of the show,
  535. and a screening kit
    featuring additional resources
  536. and some questions you can use
    to get a discussion going.
  537. If you can’t afford to support us
    financially, no worries!
  538. You can stream and/or download
    all our content for free off our website:
  539. If you’ve got any suggestions for show
    topics, or just want to get in touch,
  540. drop us a line at:
  541. This month, sub.Media bids a fond farewell
    to one of our collective members,
  542. Tierra Morena, as they leave
    to focus more attention on other projects.
  543. Tierra has been an integral
    part of our team here at Trouble,
  544. and we look forward to the chance
    for future collaborations
  545. further down the line.
  546. Last but not least, this episode
    would not have been possible
  547. without the generous support of Magdalena.
  548. Now get out there
    …. and make some trouble!