Greetings Troublemakers... 
welcome to Trouble.

My name is not important.

Capitalism, as an international 
and inter-connected system of

economic domination, 
assumes different forms

in different parts of the world.

This is partly due to the need to adapt 
to local customs and conditions,

and partly by design.

In some territories, local life is 
coloured by the region's significance

to the global economy as a 
source of agricultural production,

or a site of resource extraction.

I come from coal country.

My grandfather was a coal miner
… actually all my grandfathers.

Others, such as the Pearl River Delta 
region in southeast China,

have been selected for their 
deep reservoirs of cheap labour

and built up into global epicentres 
of low-wage industrial manufacturing.

Here, high-tech gadgets are mass-produced

under the watchful eye of
the Chinese Communist Party

and shipped off to consumer markets
in the Global North,

ending up in any number 
of metropolitan cities,

each competing for prominence 
as hubs of cultural production,

research and development, 
and IT.

But although the local character 
of capitalist exploitation

and alienation differs, 
each corner of its global empire

is connected by a unifying logic,

one that aims to coerce the vast majority
of us to toil our lives away

for the benefit of a tiny minority.

Gentrification, as one of the primary 
methods of urban transformation

under capitalism,

plays out differently in different cities 
and neighbourhoods for similar reasons.

But like the broader 
economic system it's part of,

gentrification has a tendency 
towards homogenization,

creating neighbourhoods 
that look strangely similar

to their counterparts 
half-way across the world.

As we saw in the 
first part of this series,

those caught up in this process 
experience these changes

through the first-hand 
violence of displacement,

and the general dislocation 
brought about by changes

to the communities they grew up in.

Many people, 
rather than be passive observers

to their own forced removal 
from their homes, decide to resist.

Over the next thirty minutes, 
we will look at some of

the stories of resistance coming out of 
the San Francisco Bay Area,

Berlin 
and Montreal.

Along the way, we will speak with
a number of individuals

who are marking their territory,
fighting back against the encroachment

of tech companies and high-price
boutiques into their hoods

... and making a whole lot of trouble.

Silicon Valley is south of
San Francisco and Oakland,

and emerged as this Cold War project
that was receiving a lot of military and

government funding to produce
different technology during the Cold War.

After the Cold War a lot of these
companies became more consumer-oriented.

And we can really see this moment
coinciding with the birth of the Internet

and the rise of the dot com boom.

And what we’re seeing now is that 
the models of Google and Apple

aren’t going to necessarily
bust in the same ways

that the companies of the 
late 90s and early 2000s busted.

In San Francisco there are
lots of smaller start-ups.

There are also now big companies,
like Twitter, right in downtown.

These companies in Silicon Valley
have enabled their workers

to reverse-commute to and from work,

so that they can live in these
kind of cool, culturally interesting

neighbourhoods in San Francisco, 
or in Oakland.

Gentrification is impacting 
all of the Bay Area.

There are smaller, personal, 
beautiful acts of resistance

committed by exploited and oppressed
people in their daily lives everywhere.

The largest flashpoints of resistance
have been in San Francisco and Oakland.

Many galleries and artists, 
even the well-intentioned,

participate in this process by
developing spaces and creating works

that cater to a gentrifier audience.

And by not honestly engaging with
the dynamics around how their projects

actually assist the real estate industry
and the erasure of local cultures.

KHY serves as a graffiti crew, 
a network of creatives and radicals,

as well as a broader movement
through which people from various hoods,

spaces and communities express 
their love, rage and solidarities.

We participate in local 
street-rooted projects that produce

both cultural and material resistance 
and prioritize building with

local oppressed and exploited folks.
Many who have had little or no access

to established activist
and art institutions.

Most street art is legal,

thereby not challenging
the concept of private property.

Nor contributing to the fight against
capital for our public social spaces.

Every act of graffiti challenges the logic
of property and shatters the illusion

that the state can 
control us at all times.

Even so, graffiti writers and their work
can align with the goals of gentrification

if they are aren’t conscious
of several factors.

When graffiti is both illegal
and explicitly radical in intention,

it is not only a material 
act of resistance,

but also a way through which 
to communicate and inspire,

to explore and familiarize ourselves
with our physical environments,

and to develop confidence in one’s agency
and the capacity to execute actions

alone and as part of 
an affinity group or crew.

The Anti-Eviction Mapping Project 
is a data visualization

and digital story-telling collective
that makes web maps,

that creates community events,

and that does collaborative research
to fight the eviction crisis.

We work collectively with a number
of different community partners

and right now we have probably 
about 50 people working in it.

We’ve actually found that
evictions are proximate

to these phenomenon that 
people call Google bus stops.

But basically they’re bus stops that 
big companies - not just Google -

can use to transport their workers.

So we’ve found that 69% 
of evictions are happening

within four blocks of these bus stops.

Around 2013, 
we decided we would block one.

And it was a collective of different 
housing activists in the Bay Area

that engaged in the first bus protest.

Afterwards other groups 
like Eviction Free San Francisco

created its own bus blockade.

Different anarchist collectives in Oakland
also created bus blockades.

The media got very involved in these.

And everyone suddenly, 
I think, became aware locally

but also nationally and internationally,

of the sort of correlation 
between real estate speculation

and eviction and high tech.

The police are complicit in gentrification

because they provide 
the physical violence necessary.

The police carry out evictions,

intimidate and threaten 
working-class venues and projects,

harass houseless folks, criminalize 
sex workers, enforce gang injunctions

and just wage general violence 
against us to show that

we aren’t “allowed” 
in these spaces anymore.

In both cities there 
have been police murders,

primarily of Black and Latinx folks, 
related to gentrification.

Many were of people who were simply 
existing in contested social spaces,

such as working-class streets and parks in
areas being targeted for gentrification.

The city has created apps so that
you can reserve public playgrounds.

You can pay on this app to reserve, y'know
a portion of a public park or playground.

And there was this very epic event 
in which some employees

from Drop Box and from Air BnB 
scheduled a soccer match

in this public playground
through their app,

and proceeded to try to kick youth
of colour off the playground because,

y’know, they had reserved it on this app.

And meanwhile these youth of colour
had been playing soccer

for years on this playground
and didn’t know about the app.

Never had to pay
… that’s just where they played.

If you wanna play pick-up, 
you play pick-up like the rest of us.

It’s not pick-up. You can book the field.

Just because you got money 
and can pay for the field

you don’t get to book it for an hour, 
to take over these kids fuckin, like…

It’s like 80 bucks! 
It’s like 80 bucks per person.

It’s bullshit. No, it’s bullshit!

Luckily there was a protest 
that ensued after that incident

and the youth won their right to keep on 
playing in their playground

without the app.

Sideshows are essentially large, 
unpermitted moving car shows

that perform stunts.

These shows are hosted by mostly 
working-class youth of colour,

are organized in a decentralized manner
and gather dozens to hundreds,

and sometimes even thousands, 
of participants.

Approaching police vehicles have 
their dispersal commands ignored

and are often attacked with bottles, 
other projectiles, and are stomped out.

Fuck the police!

When sideshows hold space in the streets,

it is a group effort which can 
relieve the alienation,

anxiety and depression 
that comes with living

in neighbourhoods struggling 
with violence and poverty.

In Berlin, average housing prices 
jumped more than 20% last year,

earning the city the dubious title of the
hottest real estate market in the world.

Much of this increase has to do 
with a wave of property speculation,

triggered in part by the 
large-scale sell-off,

by the city’s former mayor, 
Klaus Wowereit,

of over 110,000 social housing units 
to private real estate firms

and investment banks like Goldman Sachs.

The rapid spike in property values 
has been accompanied

by a flurry of new high-rise 
condo construction

that is transforming the character 
of working-class neighbourhoods.

And this is happening in a city 
where 85% of residents are renters.

Alongside this meteoric rise 
in the cost of living, for years now,

Berlin has been positioning itself 
as the new Silicon Valley of Europe.

Already home to a growing number 
of global tech start-ups,

the city was recently chosen 
as the site of a new Google campus,

planned to set up shop in the trendy 
working-class neighbourhood of Kreuzberg.

This announcement triggered an 
immediate backlash from local residents

and digital privacy advocates alike,

transforming the proposed 
Google outpost into a potent symbol

of the city's IT-fuelled 
gentrification woes,

and the broader restructuring 
of the global economy

being led by the tech industry.

People are very much concerned 
here that Berlin would turn into

a new San Francisco, or a new Toronto, 
or a new London,

where the most vulnerable people
got evicted from the centres

and pushed towards the periphery.

Kreuzberg has historically been 
the hot spot for social struggles.

Anarchist communities have
thrived there since the 90s,

and many movements 
got organized in the neighbourhood.

Since last year, 
many communities and individuals

mobilized against the implantation
of the Google campus in Kreuzberg.

On the one hand many 
people from the neighborhood

who are affected 
by the ongoing displacement

are fighting against capitalist 
restructuring of the city.

They have felt the increase 
in living cost during the past years

of start-ups moving into the area.

Google Campus 
will only accelerate this process.

On the other hand more and more people
are starting to realize that Google

is at the center of a growing system 
of totalitarian technological control.

In a very decentralized way, 
a network of opponents got together.

First, posters in the streets,

then public meetings 
in the anarchist library, Kalabal!k.

What is really impressive here is 
to see these decentralized networks

of actors with no real center engaging 
in many diverse direct actions

from graffiti on the walls of the 
Google Campus, to paint attacks.

There have been unregistered 
noise demonstrations

every month at the campus site,

and a Molotov attack on tech co-working 
space Start-Up Factory Görlitzer Park.

Also, The newspaper "Shitstorm"
with a print of 8000

contains articles criticizing Google 
and the world it stands for,

from an anarchist perspective.

Google is one of the strongest forces 
behind the present convergence

of information tech, cybernetics, 
nano-tech, neuroscience, and bio-tech.

And this is more than just an 
upgrade to the industrial system,

it is a fundamental change 
towards power-as-domination.

Therefore we don’t want 
this entity at all as a neighbour.

It’s not any form of hyper-capitalist 
driven gentrification.

It is Google.

The Google empire responsible for mass
surveillance of everyone on this planet.

That actually normalized this business 
model based on that mass surveillance.

Where fighting gentrification 
also means fighting mass surveillance.

Also means fighting 
technological dystopia.

Also means fighting 
this hyper-capitalism.

Security around the site of 
the projected Google Campus

has tremendously increased when activists
started attacking the building itself.

We don’t count anymore the number
of paint attacks and graffiti attacks.

In several fonts and colours 
already was written ‘Fuck Google’

all over the facade of the building.

So at first they put some security guards,
then some security guards day and night.

Then several security guards.

Then frequently we 
also see the police there.

Google has been trying to counter 
our efforts to articulate this critique

by throwing money at business owners,

politicians and other
institutions in the city

and doing their own 
counter public relations.

Until recently most of the groups
had been united in their practices

of not negotiating with officials.

But divide and conquer 
strategies are starting

to take hold within this community.

The Berlin police are reacting as
a way to serve these financial interests

of Google and the ones 
who want to take over our city.

We also see that there is a political
will by the local administration

of the city to accompany 
this tech-based gentrification.

This ‘start-up-ification’ of 
our lives and neighbourhoods.

It is clear to us that it doesn't 
matter what politician is in power

since they will decide 
in favour of capital every time.

What we hope to do is somehow to lower

the attractiveness of the city 
for these companies.

If we kick Google out of Kreuzberg,
we hope that other companies,

other giants from Silicon Valley, 
would think twice

before thinking to do the same.

Within the colonially-occupied 
territories ruled by the Canadian state,

Montréal stands out among large cities,

both in terms of its militant 
culture of resistance,

and its relatively affordable rents.

But while it hasn't seen 
the same rapid pace of gentrification

as the country's other 
metropolitan regions,

such as the Greater Toronto 
and Vancouver Areas,

Montréal still faces many 
of the same gentrification pressures

seen in countless other 
urban environments around the world.

Namely, an increase in condo construction
and other luxury development projects,

a saturation of Air B&B rentals,

and the opening of countless boutiques,
trendy restaurants and hipster cafes

seeking to cater to tourists 
and the city’s more affluent residents.

We bought a building in, 
you know, what was once considered

a 'hood’ and transformed what was a, 
you know, disheveled building into this,

you know, overly-luxurious, 
fantasious, men’s club-type place,

that we could only dream of attending.

These changes are leading to
significant levels of displacement

from working-class 
and immigrant neighbourhoods,

which in turn has provoked 
widespread community resistance,

including a good number 
of anonymous attacks

emerging from the shadowy ranks of 
the city's sizable network of anarchists.

In a lot of ways people tend 
to use a lot of settler colonial tropes

as a way of legitimizing 
gentrification in Parc Ex.

People frequently refer to 
the neighbourhood as being “exotic”,

as a “hidden gem”, 
or a “newly discovered neighbourhood”.

People express a lot of interest in 
its restaurants but very little concern

with respect to the lives of the folks who
actually do live in the neighbourhood.

Parc Extension is a 
predominantly working class,

immigrant, and poor 
people of colour neighbourhood

located in sort of the central north part
of Tio’tia:ke, or so-called Montréal.

Today Parc Extension is one of Canada's
poorest neighbourhoods.

Plaza Hutchison has long served 
as a community center

and meeting place for Parc-Ex residents.

In Spring 2017, the Plaza Hutchison
building was purchased

by the BSR group to be converted
into luxury apartment suites.

From the outset, its manager Ron Basal
has been very up-front

about stating that the units are all to be
rented out at so-called "market price"

and are not meant 
to be affordable housing.

We tried to intervene 
in the permit approval process,

we also disrupted a number 
of city council meetings in an effort

to prevent elected officials 
from granting the permit.

We were fairly violently 
forced out of the room by the police.

And committee members 
were actually forced to the ground,

arrested and charged.

I think it’s very clear from his actions
that Basal is not in the least bit

interested in the well-being 
of the neighbourhood

and is only seeking to profit off 
of the displacement of its residents.

Our experience suggests 
that engaging in municipal politics

only ever brought us to a dead end.

There’s a number of instances

- be it through the rent strikes 
in Toronto and Hamilton,

or building occupations 
that have taken place in Montréal -

that there’s actually a number 
of tactics that exist outside

of administrative and 
political channels that can be

far more effective 
in terms of stopping gentrification.

I think we’ve drawn some inspiration 
from Hochelaga and St. Henri

as places where there have been 
broader based community movements,

but also autonomous, 
affinity-based groups that have been able

to engage in much more 
confrontational actions,

and we believe those groups 
have done really important work

in terms of highlighting the ways in
which gentrification is a violent process

and how a lot of the
cafés and vintage stores

actually are very inaccessible 
to the people who

live in those neighbourhoods
and we definitely hope to do more work in

the coming months to sent a clear message
to developers and would-be gentrifiers

that if they try to get 
these projects off the ground,

that they will be confronted 
at every step along the way.

We know that gentrification
tends to be accompanied

by more police violence 
and state repression.

And Parc-Ex in particular is a 
neighbourhood where there already exists

a significant amount of racial profiling,
of police surveillance and harassment.

An important question we’ve been 
asking ourselves is how we can work

to make the neighbourhood an uncomfortable
place for would-be gentrifiers,

but also to try to limit the 
ways in which that could contribute

to police presence in the neighbourhood.

So, St. Henri was a historically 
white working-class neighbourhood.

Well... historically
it’s Kanienkehaka territory

but this is one of the problems 
when talking about gentrification.

It can erase ongoing colonial 
violence and dispossession.

Sometimes, anti-gentrification 
struggles get framed as just

“we want to stay” and that can lend 
itself to some pretty shitty things,

especially in the context of a white 
working-class francophone population

and reactions to displaced folks 
from elsewhere in the world moving here.

There have been some 
good moments in the South West.

For example, the squat in 2013 
that the POPIR was involved in

that forced the city to take a few lots in
the neighbourhood off the private market.

I have nothing, no sympathy, zero!

They’re punks, they’re anarchists.
They’re from the black bloc.

There is a wide range of tactics 
used by the struggle

against gentrification in Montreal 
and there always has been.

The sausage heist was an interesting one.
A very Robin Hood-inspired action.

Just before closing Saturday night 
at Maxine Tremblay’s store,

30 people in masks stormed in.

Half of them came inside with bags,
put food in their bags...

They told the employee 
‘just shut up, don’t move.’

'Don’t do nothing, 
we just want to steal some stuff.'

They threw smoke bombs, 
stole food, spray painted graffiti

and glued posters to the windows.

Their message? 
Gentrifiers, get out.

It was a brazen attack 
on several businesses

at close to midnight on Saturday.

A group of individuals 
wearing ski masks at the time,

broke the windows of four businesses.

Dressed all in black, 
the vandals damaged store fronts,

as seen in this security video 
obtained by Global News.

If we’re just talking about attacks, 
I’d say that most of the communication

happens through anonymous 
communiques on the internet.

Sometimes there are posters, 
sometimes there is some graff,

sometimes, you know, 
people drop off flyers somewhere.

People have gone door to door 
to put flyers in mailboxes.

The mainstream media, they pick up 
the most spectacular attacks,

and they're not on our side and 
I wouldn't say that people rely on them

to communicate motivations
and rationale fairly.

It’s no longer vandalism, 
it’s causing terror

to the people who are living in the area.

Corey Shapiro owns 
several businesses in St. Henri.

Two of them were attacked
over the weekend.

A few years ago, Corey Shapiro,

the almost comical evil figurehead 
of gentrification in St. Henri…

Or as they call me in the area 
where we populate in Montreal

... ‘The Notorious Gentrifier’.

called for business owners 
to band together

and hire private security for their shops.

His super fancy glasses store, 
L’Archive, kept getting spat on

and he was pissed about it.

One person got a ticket for spitting 
on L’Archive cause undercover cops

were stationed outside the store at night.

Cops have always protected
those with money.

In Hochelaga specifically, 
the coming of yuppie businesses,

the place valois, and the condos
were definitely a major factor.

The city is trying to rebrand the 
neighbourhood by renaming the area HOMA

- which is just some fuckin’ hipster 
remix of Hochelaga-Maisonneuve.

They wanna change the image of this 
neighbourhood from a rugged working-class,

like, somewhat criminal area 
to a yuppie playground.

And of course that is just a continuation

of the colonial capitalist 
project of occupation.

Montreal’s police force plays a huge
role in the process.

They remove street-based sex-workers, 
drug-users, and homeless folks.

They can pretend to be 
objective and neutral all they want

but the laws that they enforce 
benefit business and property owners.

There’s been numerous 
demands by business owners,

specifically those who’ve been 
targeted by direct action,

for an increase in 
cameras in the neighbourhood.

They wanna make sure that 
if anyone steps out of line

there’s gonna be proof and convictions.

The collaboration between the state 
and capitalists is pretty fuckin’ blatant.

It’s Projet Montreal calling 
for so-called 'social mixity',

a fucking code word for gentrification.

These people are friends and they 
just can’t wait for the area to be nicer,

meaning richer and “cleaned up”.

There are community groups 
doing harm reduction

and mutual aid which is good work.

There’s interesting 
decentralized direct action

that goes on which has 
been effective in some ways.

Some businesses were so badly hit, 
they were forced to close for clean-ups.

It’s scary, 
because it’s not the first time.

It worries business owners.
It angers the rich.

It shows that cops 
are somewhat ineffective,

and definitely allows 
for some cathartic revenge.

When we think of territoriality, 
we should think about it in terms of land

and not neighbourhoods 
as clearly defined spaces.

We shouldn’t be dividing the 
island into lots and smaller lots.

It’s not our decision to make and 
it’s usually just used by the state

to map out and better 
control the city anyways.

Municipal politicians try to 
pacify struggles constantly.

If we listened to them, action other
than voting would never be the solution.

They’re inherently against conflictuality.

While it can often feel like it, 
the struggle against gentrification

is not a zero-sum game.

By organizing and mounting 
collective resistance

to the forces fueling 
and pushing this process,

communities grow stronger 
and more resilient,

even as they face the attrition 
brought on by displacement.

Lessons learned in a campaign 
to stop the construction

of a luxury condo development 
can be applied to future battles

to halt the selling-off 
of social housing units.

Tactics developed 
in a battle against a new cafe

can be used to bring pressure to bear 
against a notorious slumlord.

When we navigate 
new terrains intentionally,

whether they be darkened back alleyways
to take out surveillance cameras,

or the hallways of apartment buildings 
to knock on our neighbours doors

-- each provide us with skills that 
we wouldn't have developed

if we hadn't first taken 
the initiative to act.

Confidence and militancy are contagious.

Tactics and strategies honed 
in one struggle can be catalytic,

spreading beyond 
their initial participants

and inspiring others to take similar 
action to defend their own blocks.

I think a great deal about 
the importance of, you know, of centering,

directly affected folks in organizing.

We believe it’s important to think about
who’s coming to our meetings.

Who are our events being geared towards?
How are we reaching out to people?

Are we doing the important groundwork 
of handing out flyers,

of you know, 
of knocking on people’s doors,

of reaching people where they’re at?

Start with homies and 
comrades you really trust.

You can start as small as stickering,
or as big as you’d like,

but act as soon as you can.

Make sure your crew is not only 
rooted in shared views,

but also in friendship and solidarity.

Above all, we also think it’s
important to align ourselves with

other struggles against poverty, racism, 
and displacement in the neighbourhood.

Learn from and grow and build 
with folks who occupy different spaces

and cultures so that networks grow
beyond smaller, radical circles.

Organize these networks
from the local perspective

but with a global objective 
and a global reach.

Ensure to do all to inspire
the world with what’s happening.

I think it’s important for us to 
remember that we’re on stolen land,

to remember those who 
were initially displaced

and to continue to support struggles 
for Indigenous solidarity as well.

To create that knowledge 
and that fight from the ground up

and to do data work but 
to also do direct action work.

Different groups can 
prioritize different things.

Not everyone has to work on policy.

Not everybody has to produce the maps,

not everybody has to, you know, 
organize direct actions.

But if different groups can 
kind of take on different things,

or maybe different groups can, you know,
work in different neighbourhoods

or have different regional scopes, 
I think struggles can be

more powerful and effective.

So, you gotta broaden your analysis, you
gotta find ways to connect your struggle

to community autonomy and mutual aid.

You gotta be focused on 
your short-term goal,

but also connecting them 
to the longer term goals.

Try to stay in your neighbourhood,

build relationships with your 
neighbours who aren’t anarchists

… don’t be afraid of combative tactics, 
but don’t fetishize them either.

Fighting gentrification isn’t necessarily 
fighting capitalism and colonialism.

It has a more limited scope, 
and that opens it up to recuperation.

Unfortunately, I think that 
there has been a fetishization

of tactics and discourse on all sides.

Both in community organizing 
and decentralized attacks.

I guess I’d say I’m annoyed 
with populist discourse

and abstract community-building 
on the left,

and badass posing in informal circles.

I think it’s interesting to 
discuss these different tactics.

To be honest about what they accomplish
and what are their limitations.

And to be open to 
different things happening.

And engaging in these fights 
through a variety of scales

and with a variety of tactics,

is really important, and I think 
it’s imperative that these processes

and these struggles maintain 
anti-racist, and anti-capitalist, feminist

approaches to their organizing 
and to their theorizing.

I think that’s extremely important.

The conscious desire for total freedom 
requires a transformation of ourselves

and our relationships in the 
context of revolutionary struggle.

It becomes necessary not merely to rush
into this that, or the other activity.

But to grasp and learn to use all 
of those tools that we can take

as our own and use
against the current existent

based on domination.

In particular, the analysis of 
the world and our activity in it,

relationships of affinity and 
indomitable spirit.

It has also become necessary
to recognize and resolutely

avoid those tools of social change 
offered by the current order

that can only reinforce 
the logic of domination and submission,

delegation, negotiation, 
petition, evangelicalism,

the creation of media 
images of ourselves, and so on.

These wider tools precisely 
reinforce hierarchy, separation,

and dependence on the power structure,

which is the reason why they are 
offered to us for use in our struggles.

Fuck off Google (x 6)

I don’t know if it helps.

As our cities continue 
to be steadily transformed

according to dictates of capital,

tossing more working-class, 
racialized and immigrant populations

into new suburban ghettos,

struggles against gentrification will only
become more urgent and more desperate.

But as long as people 
continue to live in cities,

these urban environments 
will continue to be sites of resistance.

The shape that this resistance takes, 
and the measure of its effectiveness

will depend on the concrete actions taken
to build solidarity among our neighbours,

prepare our collective defences, 
and sharpen our tools of attack.

This process will require 
active and dedicated engagement

on the part of revolutionaries 
equipped with the patience

to build relationships of
mutual trust and respect,

and the humility to learn and adapt
our strategies and tactics as required.

So at this point, 
we’d like to remind you that Trouble

is intended to be watched in groups,

and to be used as a resource to promote
discussion and collective organizing.

Are you interested in getting 
more involved in fighting gentrification

and defending your block?

Consider getting together 
with some comrades,

organizing a screening of this film, 
and discussing where to get started.

Interested in running 
regular screenings of Trouble

at your campus, infoshop, community center
or even just at home with your friends?

Become a Trouble-Maker!

For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
with an advanced copy of the show,

and a screening kit 
featuring additional resources

and some questions you can use
to get a discussion going.

If you can’t afford to support us 
financially, no worries!

You can stream and/or download 
all our content for free off our website:

If you’ve got any suggestions for show 
topics, or just want to get in touch,

drop us a line at:

This month, sub.Media bids a fond farewell
to one of our collective members,

Tierra Morena, as they leave
to focus more attention on other projects.

Tierra has been an integral 
part of our team here at Trouble,

and we look forward to the chance
for future collaborations

further down the line.

Last but not least, this episode 
would not have been possible

without the generous support of Magdalena.

Now get out there
…. and make some trouble!