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Have you ever tried
to understand a teenager?
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It's exhausting, right?
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You must be puzzled by the fact
that some teens do well in school,
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lead clubs and teams
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and volunteer in their communities,
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but they eat Tide Pods
for an online challenge,
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speed and text while driving,
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binge drink and experiment
with illicit drugs.
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How can so many teens
be so smart, skilled and responsible,
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and careless risk-takers at the same time?
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When I was 16,
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while frequently observing
my peers in person
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as well as on social media,
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I began to wonder why so many teens
took such crazy risks?
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It seems like getting a certificate
from DARE class in the fifth grade
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can't stop them.
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(Laughter)
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What was even more alarming to me
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was that the more they exposed
themselves to these harmful risks,
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the easier it became for them
to continue taking risks.
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Now, this confused me,
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but it also made me incredibly curious.
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So, as someone with a name
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that literally means
"to explore knowledge,"
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I started searching
for a scientific explanation.
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Now, it's no secret
that teens ages 13 to 18
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are more prone to risk-taking
than children or adults,
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but what makes them so daring?
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Do they suddenly become reckless,
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or is this just a natural phase
that they're going through?
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Well, neuroscientists
have already found evidence
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that the teen brain
is still in the process of maturation
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and that this makes them
exceptionally poor at decision-making,
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causing them to fall prey
to risky behaviors.
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But in that case,
if the maturing brain is to blame,
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then why are teens
more vulnerable than children,
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even though their brains
are more developed than those of children?
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Also, not all teens in the world
take risks at the same level.
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Are there some other underlying
or unintentional causes
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driving them to risk-taking?
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Well, this is exactly
what I decided to research.
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So, I founded my research
on the basis of a psychological process
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known as "habituation,"
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or simply what we refer to
as "getting used to it."
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Habituation explains how our brains
adapt to some behaviors,
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like lying, with repeated exposures.
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And this concept inspired me
to design a project
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to determine if the same principle
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could be applied to the relentless
rise of risk-taking in teenagers.
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So I predicted that
habituation to risk-taking
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may have the potential to change
the already-vulnerable teenage brain
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by blunting or even eradicating
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the negative emotions
associated with risk,
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like fear or guilt.
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I also thought because they
would feel less fearful and guilty,
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this desensitization would lead them
to even more risk-taking.
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In short, I wanted to conduct
a research study
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to answer one big question:
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why do teens keep making
outrageous choices
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that are harmful
to their health and well-being?
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But there was one big obstacle in my way.
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To investigate this problem,
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I needed teenagers to experiment on,
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laboratories and devices
to measure their brain activity,
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and teachers or professors to supervise me
and guide me along the way.
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I needed resources.
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But, you see, I attended
a high school in South Dakota
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with limited opportunity
for scientific exploration.
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My school had athletics,
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band, choir, debate and other clubs,
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but there were no STEM programs
or research mentors.
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And the notion of high schoolers
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doing research or participating
in a science fair was completely foreign.
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Simply put, I didn't exactly
have the ingredients
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to make a chef-worthy dish.
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And these obstacles were frustrating,
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but I was also a stubborn teenager,
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and as the daughter
of Bangladeshi immigrants
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and one of just a handful
of Muslim students
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in my high school in South Dakota,
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I often struggled to fit in,
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and I wanted to be someone
with something to contribute to society,
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not just be deemed
the scarf-wearing brown girl
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who was an anomaly
in my homogenous hometown.
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I hope that by doing this research,
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I could establish this
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and how valuable scientific exploration
could be for kids like me
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who didn't necessarily
find their niche elsewhere.
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So with limited research opportunities,
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inventiveness allowed me to overcome
seemingly impossible obstacles.
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I became more creative in working
with a variety of methodologies,
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materials and subjects.
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I transformed my unassuming school library
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into a laboratory
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and my peers into lab rats.
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(Laughter)
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My enthusiastic geography teacher,
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who also happens to be
my school's football coach,
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ended up as my cheerleader,
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becoming my mentor
to sign necessary paperwork,
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and when it became logistically impossible
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to use a laboratory
electroencephalography,
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or EEG,
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which are those electrode devices
used to measure emotional responses,
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I bought a portable EEG headset
with my own money,
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instead of buying the new iPhone X
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that a lot of kids my age
were saving up for.
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So finally I started the research
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with 86 students,
ages 13 to 18 from my high school.
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Using the computer cubicles
in my school library,
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I had them complete a computerized
decision-making simulation
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to measure their risk-taking behaviors
comparable to ones in the real world,
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like alcohol use, drug use and gambling.
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Wearing the EEG headset,
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the students completed the test
12 times over three days
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to mimic repeated risk exposures.
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A control panel on the EEG headset
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measured their various
emotional responses,
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the tension, interest,
excitement, frustration,
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guilt, stress levels and relaxation.
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They also rated their emotions
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on well-validated
emotion-measuring scales.
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This meant that I had measured
the process of habituation
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and its effects on decision-making.
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And it took 29 days
to complete this research,
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and with months of frantically
drafting proposals,
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meticulously computing data
in a caffeinated daze at 2am,
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I was able to finalize my results.
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And the results showed
that habituation to risk-taking
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could actually change a teen's brain
by altering their emotional levels,
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causing greater risk-taking.
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The students' emotions
that were normally associated with risks,
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like fear, stress, guilt and nervousness,
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as well as attention,
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were high when they were first
exposed to the risk simulator.
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This curbed their temptations
and enforced self-control,
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which prevented them
from taking more risks.
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However, the more they were exposed
to the risks through the simulator,
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the less fearful, guilty
and stressed they became.
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This caused a situation
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in which they were no longer able to feel
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the brain's natural
fear and caution instincts.
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And also, because they are teenagers
and their brains are still underdeveloped,
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they became more interested and excited
in thrill-seeking behaviors.
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So what were the consequences?
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They lacked self-control
for logical decision-making,
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took greater risks
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and made more harmful choices.
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So the developing brain alone
isn't to blame.
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The process of habituation
also plays a key role in risk-taking
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and risk escalation.
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Although a teen's willingness to seek risk
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is largely a result of the structural
and functional changes
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associated with their developing brains,
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the dangerous part
that my research was able to highlight
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was that a habituation to risks
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can actually physically
change a teen's brain
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and cause greater risk-taking.
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So it's the combination
of the immature teen brain
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and the impact of habituation
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that is like a perfect storm
to create more damaging effects.
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And this research can help parents
and the general public
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understand that teens aren't just
willfully ignoring warnings
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or simply defying parents by engaging
in increasingly more dangerous behavior.
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The biggest hurdle they're facing
is their habituation to risks,
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all the physical, detectable
and emotional functional changes
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that drive and control and influence
their over-the-top risk-taking.
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So yes, we need policies
that provide safer environments
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and limit exposures to high risks,
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but we also need policies
that reflect this insight.
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These results are
a wake-up call for teens too.
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It shows them that the natural
and necessary fear and guilt
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that protect them from unsafe situations
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actually become numb when they
repeatedly choose risky behaviors.
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So with this hope to share my findings
with fellow teenagers and scientists,
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I took my research
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to the Intel International
Science and Engineering Fair, or ISEF,
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a culmination of over 1,800 students
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from 75 countries,
regions and territories,
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who showcased their cutting-edge
research and inventions.
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It's like the Olympics of science fair.
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(Laughter)
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There, I was able to present my research
to experts in neuroscience and psychology
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and garner valuable feedback.
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But perhaps the most
memorable moment of the week
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was when the booming speakers
suddenly uttered my name
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during the awards ceremony.
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I was in such disbelief
that I questioned myself,
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was this just another "La La Land" blunder
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like at the Oscars?
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(Laughter)
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Luckily, it wasn't.
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I really had won first place
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in the category "Behavioral
and Social Sciences."
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(Applause)
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Needless to say,
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I was not only thrilled
to have this recognition,
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but also the whole experience
of science fair that validated my efforts
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keeps my curiosity alive
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and strengthens my creativity,
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perseverance and imagination.
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This still image of me
experimenting in my school library
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may seem ordinary,
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but to me, it represents
a sort of inspiration.
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It reminds me that this process
taught me to take risks,
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and I know that might sound
incredibly ironic,
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but I took risks realizing
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that unforeseen opportunities
often come from risk-taking,
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not the hazardous,
negative type that I studied,
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but the good ones,
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the positive risks.
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The more risks I took,
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the more capable I felt of withstanding
my unconventional circumstances,
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leading to more tolerance,
resilience and patience
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for completing my project,
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and these lessons
have led me to new ideas,
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like, is the opposite
of negative risk-taking also true?
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Can positive risk-taking
escalate with repeated exposures?
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Does positive action
build positive brain functioning?
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I think I just might have
my next research idea.
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(Applause)