-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: Mary Donald was one of the
victims. In 1946, when Mary was only ten
-
years old, a sheriff brought her to
Lynchburg, along with her brother and
-
sister. Her mother was already there.
Mary had no idea why she had been taken
-
to the colony. When she arrived, she was
frightened and confused.
-
[MARY DONALD]: I said, "I don't understand
this place. What am I doing over here?"
-
So well, nurse come down, come down the
stairs, put me on the elevator and took me
-
up to the hospital, in the hospital ward.
And the first thing they did then, they
-
put me in a bathtub, bathed me and all,
like a kid, you know. Well, I was old
-
enough to bathe myself, but they done it
for you, see. And, after I stayed there
-
for a while, Dr. Ramsey, he was the
doctor, he examines me and all, and see
-
if I, you know, you know what I mean.
Well. And I remember him real good.
-
And then after I stayed in the hospital
for a while, they sent me down on the
-
wards, on ward five, that was the first
ward I was ever on as a kid. About ten
-
years old.
-
[NARRATOR]: At the Lynchburg Colony, Mary
was one of 1700 inmates. Some were
-
epileptic, mentally retarded, or severely
disabled. Most however, like Mary, had
-
been committed using the spurious
diagnosis of feeble-mindedness. This was a
-
catch-all phrase the authorities used to
classify Virginia's poor and ill-educated
-
whites. They were thought to be socially
inadequate, and a burden on the state.
-
[Music playing]
-
Lynchburg had become a dumping ground for
such people. What Mary and the other
-
inmates did not know was that they were
to be sexually sterilized as part of a
-
systematic program of social engineering.
-
[Screaming]
[Music playing]
-
[MARY DONALD]: They said, "You got to
be operated on." And I said, "For what?"
-
And they said, "Well, it's for your own
health." They didn't tell me it was for
-
being sterilized, and when you get married
you couldn't have no children. They didn't
-
tell me that. And after that, you know,
I stayed on in hospital for about two
-
weeks in a coma, they sterilized me when
I was only eleven years old, and they
-
almost lost me. And the only thing I
remember is the nurse said, "Well, it's up
-
to God now if she lives."
-
[NARRATOR]: After her sterilization, Mary
was kept at Lynchburg. She attended the
-
colony schoolhouse, but received little
education. The schoolteacher, for 25
-
years, was Charles Wills.
-
[CHARLES WILLS]: The society would say we
don't think it's a good idea for these
-
people to continue to have many children,
not being able to take care of themselves.
-
So the law permitted them to come to the
colony at that time and then they would be
-
presented at... our psychologist, social
worker, we would work with them to see how
-
they functioned in our environment. Then
the psychologist, the social worker and
-
nurses and medical people would check them
out and say "Well, this is familial
-
retardation. Yes, he would, may be
eligible for sterilization." Here again,
-
I'm encroaching on the medical field
because I'm looking at it from an
-
educational point of view, he would not be
able to function much more than at the
-
primary level. He could hold a routine job
down, maybe working in a field picking
-
apples and picking tobacco and things like
that. But he would have a difficult time
-
managing his own money and so they
would... if he met the criteria, he would
-
be eligible for sterilization.
-
[Music playing]
-
[MARY DONALD]: I was about, say about 16
years old. 16 when I learned what it was
-
all about. They did a whole lot of girls
that way, a whole bunch of them, I wasn't
-
the only one. And one girl she was up in
it and she was... well, I'm gonna tell you
-
anyway. She was pregnant, and they didn't
examine her and see if she was pregnant
-
or not. And they went on and done the
operation. I ain't callin' no names. They
-
done the operation and when they operated,
they killed a little baby.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: The extent of Virginia's
sterilization program began to emerge in
-
1980. Reported numbers of victims grew,
until the final total was found to be
-
8,300. Grave concerns over the legality
and the ethics of the state-run program
-
began to be voiced. At the time, Judy
Crockett was working for the American
-
Civil Liberties Union in Richmond,
Virginia. She felt that the forced
-
sterilization of children at Lynchburg had
violated their constitutional rights. The
-
ACLU prepared to sue the state of Virginia
on behalf of the victims.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: It was huge publicity, it
was everywhere, and Virginia is very proud
-
of its history and this was a piece of
history that they couldn't be proud of and
-
nobody else was proud of. So, the state
wanted this to die down as quickly as it
-
possibly could, and we of course were not
interested in having it die down, we
-
wanted it to keep going until it got
fixed, we wanted the law fixed, we wanted
-
to make sure it was never going to happen
again and the best way to do that would be
-
to make sure that it was embarrassing
enough and enough people knew about it
-
and really understood what had happened.
-
[NARRATOR]: Judy learned that the story
began back in 1910, when Lynchburg was set
-
up as a colony for epileptics. The first
superintendent was Dr. Albert Priddy.
-
Priddy claimed that Virginia was
accumulating an ever-increasing
-
population of the feeble-minded. His
solution was to commit these people to the
-
colony, and to lobby for their
sterilization, but there was no secure
-
legal framework that would allow this
operation. By the 1920s, however, Priddy
-
had found the sort of model legislation he
needed. It had been drafted a few years
-
earlier by the prominent biologist
Dr. Harry Laughlin. Laughlin's model law
-
called for the compulsory sterilization of
those who were blind, deaf, deformed,
-
alcoholic, drug addicted, tubercular,
syphilitic, or leprous. It also included
-
criminals and the feeble-minded as well as
paupers and the homeless.
-
[Music playing]
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: They were trying to make
sure that we kept the white race as pure
-
as possible and that people who would drag
down the level of the white race, would no
-
longer be able to breed. They stopped
short of killing them, but they made sure
-
that they wouldn't have any children. And
the project was supposed to have been,
-
legally, it was supposed to have been
focused on mentally retarded people or
-
mentally ill people who had a hereditary
form of mental retardation or illness that
-
would be passed on to their kids. In fact,
it was people who were poor, teenagers,
-
we're not talking about adults here, we're
talking about teenagers, sometimes young
-
teenagers, who were poor, who came from
broken homes, who had been raped or had
-
children out of wedlock, boys who had
stolen things or run away from home, who
-
were rounded up, mostly by welfare workers
and put in the institutions, sometimes
-
just put in solely for the purpose of
being sterilized.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: But how could such a policy
of mass sterilization have been sanctioned
-
in a free society? Dr. Paul Lombardo has
spent 13 years studying the legal history
-
of Virginia's program. He started at
Amherst Courthouse, where the Lynchburg
-
sterilizations were authorized and the
records-
-
[Static]
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: The theory of
eugenics. Eugenics is somewhat peculiar
-
word to modern era, but at the time people
understood it to mean the science, if you
-
can call it a science, of being well born,
that is the science of good breeding, of
-
heredity, of having healthy productive
people marry other healthy productive
-
people and have children, and preventing
those who were not healthy and productive
-
from having any children at all.
-
[NARRATOR]: The word eugenics was coined
by the British scientist Sir Francis
-
Galton in 1883. Galton was a cousin of
Charles Darwin. The eugenicists wanted to
-
encourage survival of the fittest, while
eliminating the unfit through surgical
-
sterilization. Eugenicists claimed that
simple laws of heredity could be applied
-
to all kinds of complex human qualities.
-
[MAN]: Mental capacities as well as
physical characters are inherited. The
-
family history shows special talents
reappearing in successive generations.
-
Feeble-mindedness and many other
undesirable qualities are also heritable.
-
[NARRATOR]: Fearing that the nation was
being swamped by defectives, the
-
eugenicists believed that government
should have the power to prevent further
-
racial degeneration. Social reformers on
the left as well as the right were seduced
-
by the idea. Writers like H. G. Wells, and
George Bernard Shaw, and politicians like
-
Winston Churchill believed that eugenic
sterilization would improve the vigor of
-
the nation and save millions on welfare,
prisons, and hospitals. In Britain,
-
Galton's ideas were never put into
practice. It was a different story in the
-
United States.
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: In America, the ideas
that were propounded by the eugenicists
-
were taken up as a practical way of
limiting reproduction among people whom
-
some felt should not reproduce.
-
[NARRATOR]: Compulsory sterilization had
strong support from American politicians.
-
It also had a broad appeal to ordinary
people. Along with prizes for pig breeders
-
and pie bakers, state fairs held fitter
family contests to reward those who
-
practiced good breeding. Eugenics became
a household word, but there were a few
-
dissenting voices. Hollywood was one.
-
[Music playing]
-
[MRS. WHITE]: Now sit down, I want to talk
to you. I am Mrs. White of the Welfare
-
Association. You are 17, aren't you Alice?
-
[ALICE]: Yes, but what have you done to
my folks?
-
[MRS. WHITE]: Well, we thought it
necessary to present your family's case
-
to the State Medical Commission. And after
an examination, they decided it was a
-
(inaudible) action to take, and have your
entire family sterilized.
-
[ALICE]: Well, what's that? I don't know
what you're talking about!
-
[MRS. WHITE]: Well, we investigated your
family's history, Alice, and most of the
-
past three generations have been
feeble-minded, congenital cripples,
-
or (inaudible) drunks. It's even been been
proven each generation is more of a
-
problem. Now in this state, we have a law
which provides for such people to have an
-
operation so there won't be any more
children.
-
[ALICE]: I see.
-
[MRS. WHITE]: And you can go back to your
job soon. I will arrange for (inaudible).
-
[ALICE]: But I'm picking my job, I'm not
going anywhere.
-
[MRS. WHITE]: Now you're going to the
hospital too, Alice.
-
[ALICE]: And do you mean they're going to
stop me from having children ever?
-
[MRS. WHITE]: Exactly.
-
[ALICE]: I'm alright, I tell you, I won't
go to any hospital.
-
[NARRATOR]: By the mid-1920's, the
eugenicists were determined to overcome
-
all opposition to enforced sterilization.
During his research, Dr. Paul Lombardo
-
uncovered an extraordinary conspiracy.
Dr. Albert Priddy, a Lynchburg
-
superintendent, had been privately
sterilizing inmates, but stopped in 1917
-
when he was sued for damages by a victim.
Fearful of being sued again, Priddy needed
-
Dr. Laughlin's model law to be declared
constitutional by the highest court in the
-
land. In 1924, Priddy colluded with others
to bring a test case before the U.S.
-
Supreme Court. A case they knew they would
win. It began here, at Amherst, and became
-
known as Buck versus Bell.
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Buck vs. Bell was the
first time that the United States Supreme
-
Court said that it was okay under the
constitution to sexually sterilize someone
-
because they were likely to have children
who were in the words of the court,
-
socially inadequate.
-
[NARRATOR]: The person Priddy used to
serve his purposes was a teenage girl
-
named Carrie Buck. Carrie came from a
poor family that lived in Charlottesville,
-
Virginia. Her mother Emma was suspected
of being a prostitute and had already been
-
committed to Lynchburg. They said she was
feeble-minded. Carrie was sent to live
-
with foster parents, John and Alice Dobbs.
John Dobbs worked on the railway in
-
Charlottesville, and was active in local
affairs. When Carrie was 16, she was raped
-
by a nephew of the Dobbs in this house.
She became pregnant, and in 1924, gave
-
birth to a little girl who she named
Vivian. Ashamed of what had happened,
-
the Dobbs wanted to be rid of Carrie and
reported her to the authorities. Although
-
a victim of rape, her pregnancy out of
wedlock was sufficient to have her taken
-
away to the Lynchburg Colony.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: What happened to Carrie would
change the lives of tens of thousands of
-
poor teenagers like her.
-
[Screaming]
-
When Carrie Buck arrived at Lynchburg,
she found herself in terrifying
-
circumstances. Torn from her daughter
Vivian, she was brought before
-
Dr. Albert Priddy, whose stated mission
was to rid the nation of people like her.
-
Priddy examined Carrie, and classified
her, like her mother, as feeble-minded of
-
the moron class, a moral delinquent, and
worthy of sexual sterilization. In fact
-
she was none of these things, but Priddy
now had two generations of the Buck family
-
locked away. Priddy knew that the Virginia
law only applied to people with hereditary
-
defects, so Carrie Buck appeared the
perfect subject for Priddy's test case.
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Probably the most
important person after Dr. Priddy was a
-
man named Aubrey Strode. Aubrey Strode
was the attorney who represented the
-
Virginia colony in this case. Mr. Strode
served a term as senator in the state
-
assembly, he also acted as a lobbyist and
he wrote legislation at the request of
-
people like Dr. Priddy. His counterpart
was a lawyer named Irving Whitehead who
-
was appointed to represent Carrie Buck.
Mr. Whitehead had more than a passing
-
acquaintance with the Virginia colony as
well. He had been a member of its first
-
special board of directors, he had
actually voted to sterilize people even
-
before the specific statute was passed in
1924. Whitehead and Strode had been
-
friends, they'd grown up together in the
village of Amherst. They had been business
-
associates, political friends, and had
worked together in lobbying to gain
-
additional funding for the Virginia
colony.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: They set up the Supreme
Court challenge to this and what can only
-
be described as a sweetheart deal, with
everybody who participated in the lawsuit
-
being someone who was strongly in favor of
the sterilization law including the person
-
who was supposed to be representing Carrie
Buck. So, it was, it was an outrage, that,
-
that case was an outrage that it went
forward and that they accepted those
-
ideas.
-
[NARRATOR]: As proceedings got underway
at Amherst Courthouse, expert evidence was
-
given against Carrie by a man who had
never examined her, never even met her.
-
It was Dr. Harry Laughlin, the very man
who wrote the model sterilization law.
-
Dr. Laughlin was in charge of the Eugenics
Record Office on Long Island, New York.
-
This organization tracked down so-called
"problem families" and promoted the idea
-
of compulsory sterilization. Dr. Laughlin
was America's leading eugenicist. He
-
trained hundreds of field workers to
gather data on families he thought should
-
be sterilized. When Priddy needed an
expert witness to testify against Carrie,
-
Laughlin was the obvious choice.
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Even though Laughlin
never met Carrie Buck, never examined her,
-
in fact never saw her, he produced a
deposition for her trial. The deposition
-
was based verbatim on information given to
him by Dr. Priddy, and the deposition
-
repeated the phrase that Priddy used to
describe the Buck family. "These people
-
belong to the shiftless, ignorant, and
worthless class of anti-social whites of
-
the South." That phrase made its way into
the Supreme Court records of the Buck vs.
-
Bell case. Laughlin said that Carrie was a
socially inadequate person, that she was a
-
moral delinquent because she had had
a child and hadn't been married and that
-
in fact all of the pointers of heredity
indicated that her family was the source
-
of this hereditary deficiency and that
Carrie herself would pass on her defects
-
to those she had as children. The court
also heard evidence from a woman named
-
Caroline Wilhelm. Miss Wilhelm was a Red
Cross nurse and she was very familiar with
-
the Buck family. She also had the
opportunity to observe Carrie's child
-
Vivian, when Vivian was not more than six
months old. When asked in court how that
-
child responded, Miss Wilhelm was unable
to come up with specifics, but said simply
-
that there was something peculiar about
the child. "I'm not sure exactly what it
-
is," she said, but there is something
peculiar about it." It was that comment
-
that became the basis for Carrie's
sterilization. She was later condemned as
-
one of three generations of imbeciles, her
mother being the first, Carrie the second,
-
and her daughter Vivian, who was simply
somewhat peculiar, the third.
-
[NARRATOR]: In the spring of 1927, the
case of Buck vs. Bell came before the U.S.
-
Supreme Court. It was heard by Justice
Oliver Wendell Holmes. Holmes is one of
-
the greatest figures in American
jurisprudence and is widely regarded as
-
a libertarian. But in this case, he issued
an opinion which was to deprive tens of
-
thousands of Americans of their right to
have children. Holmes said they could be
-
forcibly sterilized by declaring, "The
principle that sustains compulsory
-
vaccination is broad enough to cover
cutting the Fallopian tubes."
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Holmes, in a phrase
which is remembered even today, concluded
-
that Carrie was in fact a feeble-minded
mother of a feeble-minded daughter,
-
herself the daughter of another feeble-
minded mother. Drawing the line under
-
these three people, Holmes said simply,
"Three generations of imbeciles are
-
enough," and declared that the Virginia
law was constitutional and could be
-
applied to Carrie and others like her.
-
[JUDGE]: Do you know anything about her
family background?
-
[DOCTOR]: Yes, your honor, I do.
-
[JUDGE]: There are several other children,
aren't there?
-
[DOCTOR]: Yes.
[JUDGE]: What is their condition?
-
[DOCTOR]: One is a cripple, two others
might be classed as feeble-minded.
-
[JUDGE]: Isn't the oldest son in jail?
[DOCTOR]: Oh, yes I believe so.
-
[JUDGE]: And knowing all that you still
contend that this girl should be allowed
-
to bring more people like that into the
world?
-
[DOCTOR]: She's normal, your honor.
She's not anything like the rest. Surely
-
she should be given a chance to work out
her own salvation.
-
[JUDGE]: I can't agree with you, doctor.
Suppose she is normal. The chances are
-
that her children will inherit the family
thing, isn't that possible?
-
[DOCTOR]: But your honor, I...
-
[JUDGE]: I'm sorry doctor. Three
generations of unfit are enough. Petition
-
not allowed.
-
[ALICE]: Don't you understand what you're
doing? Look at me, can't you see that I'm
-
well and strong and I will be a good
mother too, judge, honest I will.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: After Buck vs. Bell, the
floodgates opened. American states began
-
wholesale sterilization of poor citizens
at the margins of society. Eugenics became
-
a cornerstone of American social policy.
States competed to sterilize the largest
-
numbers of citizens and boasted of how
much public money they saved. In 1933,
-
Hitler came to power. One of his first
acts was to introduce a eugenic
-
sterilization law. While Hitler encouraged
breeding from ideal human stock, his
-
sterilization act marked the beginning of
the Holocaust. In the first three years,
-
the Nazis sterilized more than 225,000
people. The final total was nearly half a
-
million. Throughout the Nazi period,
eugenic sterilizations in America
-
increased. The Lynchburg authorities
welcomed Hitler's sterilization law. Their
-
annual report of 1933 praised the great
German republic. They wrote, "Apply the
-
pruning knife with vigor." Hitler's
sterilization law borrowed directly from
-
Dr. Harry Laughlin's American legislation.
In 1936, the Nazis recognized Laughlin's
-
contribution to race hygiene by giving him
an honorary doctorate from the University
-
of Heidelberg. Virginia health officials
envied the Nazi sterilization program. In
-
1934, one of them declared, "The Germans
are beating us at our own game." In
-
Hitler's Germany, sterilization soon gave
way to the killing of mental patients by
-
lethal injection and ultimately the final
solution in which more than six million
-
died.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: It was obvious that the
program that America had, had some
-
influence on the Nazis. I was startled to
find that out, I always thought that the
-
Nazis kind of thought it up for
themselves. It struck me as incredibly
-
ironic that before World War II, that
there was all this very florid language in
-
the reports about how, about eugenics. And
after world- and sterilizations ran high,
-
and after World War II the sterilizations
did not drop, they just changed the
-
language.
-
[NARRATOR]: Judy Crockett wanted
Virginia's sterilization law repealed, and
-
for the state to pay compensation. But she
needed to find victims of the program to
-
build her case.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: Among the first people
that I interviewed was Doris Buck who was
-
Carrie Buck's sister, and her husband
Matthew Figgins. They had just recently
-
found out that she had been sterilized.
They had spend most of their lives trying
-
to have kids and, finally realizing that
they weren't going to, adopting their
-
nephews and nieces, and they were still
very upset about having found out that she
-
had been sterilized. It was clear to me
when I interviewed her that there was
-
something drastically wrong with this
program. I mean, bad as it would have
-
been if it had only sterilized mentally
retarded people. It was much worse to have
-
sterilized and ruined the lives of people
who were clearly not retarded and
-
obviously able to function in society.
Just reaching the victims of the program
-
was an enormous obstacle for us. These
were folks who were really deeply
-
humiliated and hurt by the fact that they
had been institutionalized in the first
-
place, and then that the state had decided
that they were so disgusting that they
-
shouldn't be allowed to have kids. We
didn't feel that it was our business to
-
ferret people out, they needed to want to
come to us. The reporters were ferreting
-
people out. So when they ferreted them out
they would say "You should call the ACLU."
-
[NARRATOR]: One of the reporters who
searched for the victims is Mary Bishop,
-
of the Roanoke Times. Thirteen years
later, she is still concerned with their
-
plight.
-
[MARY BISHOP]: I was looking through court
records from the 20's and 30's, looking
-
for people who had been sterilized with
the colony, looking for people who'd lived
-
through all that. And among those names I
found a Jesse Frank Meadows. And I looked
-
in the Lynchburg phone book and found a
Jesse F. Meadows, and called him and I
-
said, "Well, I'd like to come and talk
with you," and he said, "Well, come right
-
over." So I went over that day and it was
about all I could take, just to hear an
-
hour of it at that time because there was
such sadness in it.
-
Mr. Meadow's mother died in childbirth
when he was 13, and his father quickly
-
married another woman and his stepmother
decided she didn't want to raise any of
-
the children, she wanted all the children
to be dispersed. He was sent to the
-
Virginia colony, he was just 17 years old.
He was sent there in 1940.
-
[MARY BISHOP]: Hey, Mr. Meadows! How're
you doing?
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Fine, fine, how
are you?
-
[MARY BISHOP]: Good to see you. Nice day,
huh?
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah.
-
[MARY BISHOP]: Hi puppy. Sure is. You got
a nice breeze here though, as always.
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah.
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS] They took me in an
operating room and they were taking shots
-
and the... and the doctors coming in and
nurses and they examined me to see if I
-
was numb enough, and they started cutting.
-
[MARY BISHOP]: Were you watching?
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah. After I went
back to the ward 10. I was sore for a week
-
or two and could hardly walk. It took some
people really bad when they operated on
-
them, they put them back in the hospital.
And give them more shots and give them
-
penicillin, nearly killed some of them.
-
[MARY BISHOP]: Mr. Meadows would have
loved to have been a father, and he would
-
have been a very good father. He loves
children and he really misses that, he's
-
very sad that that could not have happened
to him.
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: It's been terrible,
I might have wanted some children when I
-
got older. Yeah, pretty hard life and one
boy, they took him when he was 15, and
-
threatened to have him done like that. His
mother and father got lawyers and got him
-
away from there before they had time to do
it. Some other boys, they'd run away and
-
go into service to keep them from
doing it.
-
[NARRATOR]: Sterilization was not the only
scandal at the Lynchburg colony.
-
Able-bodied inmates were exploited for
their labor. Boys worked on the colony's
-
farm for as little as 25 cents a week. The
girls served in the dining hall, and were
-
made to help on the wards. Other inmates
had their labor sold outside the colony,
-
and worked as virtual slaves.
-
[JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: I felt like I'd
never get out, well I just thought I'll
-
never get out. They said they needed me
there for work. They said they didn't have
-
enough painters, and they'd have to keep
me there till they got somebody, paint
-
until they got somebody. And then they'd
give me a raise, but all I ever seen was
-
25 cents a week.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: Punishments at Lynchburg were
severe. One of the most frequent was the
-
blind room. Tiny cells where inmates were
placed in solitary confinement for up to
-
90 days. Their heads were shaved and they
were made to wear a hospital gown. The
-
cells contained nothing except a mattress
and a bucket.
-
[MARY DONALD]: I didn't like it then, so I
went and run, and when I came back they
-
put me in this "blind room," they put me
in there and I stayed in there for a
-
while. And they'd get somebody who was
mean, another patient who was mean, and
-
put them in the blind room with me, make
them stay in there with me, and I was
-
scared to death.
-
[Music playing]
-
Then I saw something there
one day, I'm not calling no names,
-
and I saw this person, I'm gonna say
person, I think it sounds better, beat
-
this patient, you know, that didn't have
too much mind, put her in a straitjacket
-
and all, and twist her arms behind her.
And they used to carry these real heavy
-
keys, you know, on the side of their
pocket, and would beat this patient with
-
it. And the next morning when I got up,
the patient was dead. I asked a certain
-
party, I said, "What happened to Mary?"
and she said, "Well, she's deceased," but
-
I think she really, you know, beat her to
death with the keys, and I was scared to
-
say anything about it, because they said
if I said anything about it, I'd get the
-
same thing that patient did. That was the
worst part, I guess.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: Despite repeated stories like
Mary Donald's, the state denied all
-
liability. Judy Crockett pressed ahead
with the lawsuit on behalf of the victims.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: Once we got the victims,
then the state really started to go
-
berserk. We wanted to get their medical
records, and the state threw up all kinds
-
of roadblocks. The governor at that time,
Governor Dalton announced to the press,
-
"No, I'm not going to notify people so
that they can sue the state for the ACLU."
-
So we really had this fight through the
state's resistance to letting us get at
-
their documents.
-
[NARRATOR]: Eventually Judy Crockett's
persistence paid off.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: We discovered as we
started to finally get the records that
-
there had been a kind of a kangaroo court
proceeding where the teenage inmate was
-
brought before someone who was acting as
a judge, and accompanied by someone who
-
is supposed to be acting as their attorney
representing their best interest and that
-
there was some sort of form, where, of a
hearing where the issue was discussed. I
-
was startled to find out that there was
any kind of hearing because most of the
-
people I talked to didn't recall ever
having a moment at which they were told
-
that they were going to be sterilized and
asked if they agreed to be sterilized. And
-
what we found when we started looking at
the hearings was that they were completely
-
lacking in all the necessary elements that
you have to have when somebody is agreeing
-
to a medical procedure, or any sort of
a procedure, that the person who was
-
supposed to be representing their best
interest, in most cases had never met
-
them, never discussed the issue with them,
in fact often didn't even seem to know
-
their name, never even spoke.
-
[NARRATOR]: Hearing officer: How old are
you? Boy: 17. How long have you been here?
-
About eight months. Are you going to
school? I was going, but I quit. Do you
-
like the movies? Yes sir. Do you like the
funnies? Yes sir. You don't mind being
-
operated on, do you? No sir. Alright, you
can go ahead. Hearing officer: How old
-
are you? Girl: 16. Where is your home?
Richmond. How long have you been here?
-
Five months. You like it here alright?
Yes. You know what sterilization is? Yes.
-
Alright with you? Yes.
-
[MARY DONALD]: They asked me, "Do you know
what this meeting is for?" I said, "No
-
sir, I don't." They said, "Well this is a
meeting you go through when you have to
-
have a serious operation, and it's for
your health," that's the way they
-
explained it to me. And I said, "Well, if
it's for my health then, I guess, I'm
-
going through with it," see, I didn't know
the difference.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: The children there knew
that they would not be able to be released
-
unless they were sterilized. In some of
the records in the papers other than the
-
hearings it was specified they, she can't
be released yet to her family because she
-
hasn't been sterilized. We're waiting
until she's sterilized before she can be
-
released.
-
[CHARLES WILLS]: Well, after they
completed the hospitalization stay, they
-
were just re-entered into the various
education and training programs as if
-
nothing happened. Forgive the remark, but
I don't think sterilization cut the gleam
-
out of anybody's eye, it was just, I
think, a procedure to not permit people to
-
have subnormal quotation marks children
that couldn't function too well in
-
society.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: It was obvious that they
had suffered a really deep blow to their
-
sense of who they were, and one that was
never going to be able to be fixed. What
-
accompanied that was the clear sense that
the state had thought that they were
-
basically trash, worthless, and having
children was a very big focus in their
-
lives, it was something they had expected
to do, something that they wanted to do,
-
it would have made an enormous difference.
Numbers of them felt that their marriages
-
had been ruined, their husbands had left
or whatever, because they couldn't have
-
children, and I believe that's probably
true.
-
[Music playing]
-
[MARY DONALD]: I guess I stayed there
about 16 years. In 1958, I stayed over
-
there until 1958. And then when I married,
he come and got me out and married me. I
-
reckon that was the best part of my life.
And him and I got married, and I told him
-
all about my life, you know, I told him
how I'd been sterilized and couldn't have
-
no child. But at the time he said it
didn't make no difference if I could have
-
a child or not, he loved me like I was. So
we was married about, I guess 10 years, I
-
had 10 years of good marriage, and then he
decided he wanted to get divorced. I
-
figure me being sterilized and all that
was the cause of our marriage being broke
-
up like that. Cause he loves children and
all that. He loved kids. And I used to lay
-
in my bed and cry cause I couldn't give
him what he wanted, I wanted to give him a
-
son to bear his name, cause most men, they
want a son to bear his name. And I cried
-
and he said, "Don't worry about it, honey,
everything's gonna be alright." But then
-
as years go by, I don't know, he began to
change his mind. So he got divorced and
-
married somebody else. That's the end of
that story now.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: The Virginia sterilization
program ended only in 1972. Despite the
-
best efforts of Judy Crockett and her
colleagues, the 8,300 victims were never
-
to receive justice. The court ordered a
final settlement in 1985.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: I have to admit that I
was disappointed. It was clear from early
-
on that the judge was not going to declare
something unconstitutional that the
-
Supreme Court had said earlier was okay.
What I most deeply would have wanted would
-
be a sincere apology from the governor on
the behalf of the state of Virginia. Most
-
of the people that we dealt with had
either had the sterilization or found out
-
about the sterilization long enough ago
that we could not have asked for any money
-
for them. What we did get was an
announcement on the radio and in the
-
papers, to people that if they had been
in institutions in these times and had an
-
operation, they should get in touch with
the state and the state did agree to
-
provide some sort of mental health
counseling. But they would never agree to
-
paying for reversal operations.
-
[NARRATOR]: Carrie Buck, sterilized
because of a Supreme Court decision in
-
1927, left Lynchburg, got married and
worked as a housekeeper. After the death
-
of her first husband, she married Charles
Ditmore. They returned to Charlottesville,
-
and were found living in abject poverty in
a house with no heat or running water.
-
Carrie was eventually taken to a nursing
home where in 1982, Paul Lombardo met her.
-
She had just played the role of the Virgin
Mary in a Christmas pageant. Carrie died a
-
few weeks later in January 1983. A handful
of people attended her funeral, which took
-
place on a cold, rainy day. Dr. Lombardo
was the only mourner who knew the drama
-
which had begun with Carrie's rape in
1923, and continued with her forced
-
sterilization in 1927. Dr. Lombardo
discovered two other gravestones in the
-
Charlottesville cemetery which relate to
Carrie's story. One belongs to the Dobbs
-
family, her foster parents whose nephew
had raped her and caused the birth of her
-
daughter, Vivian. After Carrie had been
taken away to Lynchburg, Vivian was
-
adopted by the Dobbs. Next to the Dobbs
monument is a tiny gravestone with a
-
legend, V. A. E. D., Vivian Alice Elaine
Dobbs, Carrie's daughter who died
-
tragically at the age of eight from an
intestinal disorder. Paul Lombardo learned
-
that Vivian attended the Venable School
in Charlottesville. He went there to look
-
for evidence of her alleged
feeble-mindedness.
-
[DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: I came here to the
Venable School, ultimately, and found the
-
report cards of Vivian, which demonstrated
to me what I had suspected all along.
-
There were no generations of imbeciles in
the Buck family, not three, not two, not
-
even one. Least of all Vivian who at one
point had even been on the honor role in
-
this very school.
-
[NARRATOR]: Carrie Buck's story has a
strange footnote. Dr. Harry Laughlin, the
-
man who testified against her, himself
became the kind of person he wanted to
-
sterilize. He developed severe epilepsy
and was dismissed by his employers, the
-
Eugenics Record Office. The work of the
Eugenics Record Office was discredited as
-
early as 1935 by a team of independent
scientists. They judged its methods and
-
records unsatisfactory for the study of
human genetics. The eugenicists wanted a
-
neat and orderly society with social
problems excised by the surgeon's knife.
-
In the case of Buck vs. Bell, they
presented false evidence to justify
-
compulsory sterilization. Throughout
America, they forced 70,000 people to
-
undergo unnecessary operations and robbed
them of the ability to have children.
-
[JUDY CROCKETT]: We don't have the wisdom
to make those decisions, we don't begin to
-
understand what makes a good person or
what makes a worthwhile person. We're so
-
caught up in our prejudices, in our
habits, and we could lose this beautiful
-
variety as this, this wonderful messiness
that we have in the world, and we could
-
get so terribly tidy. We could tidy away
all of our flaws and lose all of our
-
wonder, all of our excitement, all of
our unexpectedness.
-
[Music playing]
-
[NARRATOR]: Catch the best from
independent filmmakers tomorrow night
-
starting at 10:30 when Independent View
shows the latest film and video. It's
-
followed at eleven by two features about
crooks without a clue. Zoom in on
-
independent films tomorrow night at 10:30
on KQED, on the web at KQED.org.
-
[Music playing]