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The Lynchburg Story

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    [Music playing]
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    [NARRATOR]: Mary Donald was one of the
    victims. In 1946, when Mary was only ten
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    years old, a sheriff brought her to
    Lynchburg, along with her brother and
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    sister. Her mother was already there.
    Mary had no idea why she had been taken
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    to the colony. When she arrived, she was
    frightened and confused.
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    [MARY DONALD]: I said, "I don't understand
    this place. What am I doing over here?"
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    So well, nurse come down, come down the
    stairs, put me on the elevator and took me
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    up to the hospital, in the hospital ward.
    And the first thing they did then, they
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    put me in a bathtub, bathed me and all,
    like a kid, you know. Well, I was old
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    enough to bathe myself, but they done it
    for you, see. And, after I stayed there
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    for a while, Dr. Ramsey, he was the
    doctor, he examines me and all, and see
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    if I, you know, you know what I mean.
    Well. And I remember him real good.
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    And then after I stayed in the hospital
    for a while, they sent me down on the
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    wards, on ward five, that was the first
    ward I was ever on as a kid. About ten
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    years old.
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    [NARRATOR]: At the Lynchburg Colony, Mary
    was one of 1700 inmates. Some were
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    epileptic, mentally retarded, or severely
    disabled. Most however, like Mary, had
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    been committed using the spurious
    diagnosis of feeble-mindedness. This was a
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    catch-all phrase the authorities used to
    classify Virginia's poor and ill-educated
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    whites. They were thought to be socially
    inadequate, and a burden on the state.
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    [Music playing]
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    Lynchburg had become a dumping ground for
    such people. What Mary and the other
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    inmates did not know was that they were
    to be sexually sterilized as part of a
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    systematic program of social engineering.
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    [Screaming]
    [Music playing]
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    [MARY DONALD]: They said, "You got to
    be operated on." And I said, "For what?"
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    And they said, "Well, it's for your own
    health." They didn't tell me it was for
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    being sterilized, and when you get married
    you couldn't have no children. They didn't
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    tell me that. And after that, you know,
    I stayed on in hospital for about two
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    weeks in a coma, they sterilized me when
    I was only eleven years old, and they
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    almost lost me. And the only thing I
    remember is the nurse said, "Well, it's up
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    to God now if she lives."
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    [NARRATOR]: After her sterilization, Mary
    was kept at Lynchburg. She attended the
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    colony schoolhouse, but received little
    education. The schoolteacher, for 25
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    years, was Charles Wills.
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    [CHARLES WILLS]: The society would say we
    don't think it's a good idea for these
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    people to continue to have many children,
    not being able to take care of themselves.
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    So the law permitted them to come to the
    colony at that time and then they would be
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    presented at... our psychologist, social
    worker, we would work with them to see how
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    they functioned in our environment. Then
    the psychologist, the social worker and
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    nurses and medical people would check them
    out and say "Well, this is familial
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    retardation. Yes, he would, may be
    eligible for sterilization." Here again,
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    I'm encroaching on the medical field
    because I'm looking at it from an
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    educational point of view, he would not be
    able to function much more than at the
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    primary level. He could hold a routine job
    down, maybe working in a field picking
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    apples and picking tobacco and things like
    that. But he would have a difficult time
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    managing his own money and so they
    would... if he met the criteria, he would
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    be eligible for sterilization.
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    [Music playing]
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    [MARY DONALD]: I was about, say about 16
    years old. 16 when I learned what it was
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    all about. They did a whole lot of girls
    that way, a whole bunch of them, I wasn't
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    the only one. And one girl she was up in
    it and she was... well, I'm gonna tell you
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    anyway. She was pregnant, and they didn't
    examine her and see if she was pregnant
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    or not. And they went on and done the
    operation. I ain't callin' no names. They
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    done the operation and when they operated,
    they killed a little baby.
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    [Music playing]
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    [NARRATOR]: The extent of Virginia's
    sterilization program began to emerge in
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    1980. Reported numbers of victims grew,
    until the final total was found to be
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    8,300. Grave concerns over the legality
    and the ethics of the state-run program
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    began to be voiced. At the time, Judy
    Crockett was working for the American
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    Civil Liberties Union in Richmond,
    Virginia. She felt that the forced
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    sterilization of children at Lynchburg had
    violated their constitutional rights. The
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    ACLU prepared to sue the state of Virginia
    on behalf of the victims.
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    [JUDY CROCKETT]: It was huge publicity, it
    was everywhere, and Virginia is very proud
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    of its history and this was a piece of
    history that they couldn't be proud of and
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    nobody else was proud of. So, the state
    wanted this to die down as quickly as it
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    possibly could, and we of course were not
    interested in having it die down, we
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    wanted it to keep going until it got
    fixed, we wanted the law fixed, we wanted
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    to make sure it was never going to happen
    again and the best way to do that would be
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    to make sure that it was embarrassing
    enough and enough people knew about it
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    and really understood what had happened.
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    [NARRATOR]: Judy learned that the story
    began back in 1910, when Lynchburg was set
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    up as a colony for epileptics. The first
    superintendent was Dr. Albert Priddy.
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    Priddy claimed that Virginia was
    accumulating an ever-increasing
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    population of the feeble-minded. His
    solution was to commit these people to the
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    colony, and to lobby for their
    sterilization, but there was no secure
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    legal framework that would allow this
    operation. By the 1920s, however, Priddy
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    had found the sort of model legislation he
    needed. It had been drafted a few years
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    earlier by the prominent biologist
    Dr. Harry Laughlin. Laughlin's model law
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    called for the compulsory sterilization of
    those who were blind, deaf, deformed,
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    alcoholic, drug addicted, tubercular,
    syphilitic, or leprous. It also included
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    criminals and the feeble-minded as well as
    paupers and the homeless.
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    [Music playing]
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    [JUDY CROCKETT]: They were trying to make
    sure that we kept the white race as pure
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    as possible and that people who would drag
    down the level of the white race, would no
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    longer be able to breed. They stopped
    short of killing them, but they made sure
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    that they wouldn't have any children. And
    the project was supposed to have been,
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    legally, it was supposed to have been
    focused on mentally retarded people or
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    mentally ill people who had a hereditary
    form of mental retardation or illness that
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    would be passed on to their kids. In fact,
    it was people who were poor, teenagers,
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    we're not talking about adults here, we're
    talking about teenagers, sometimes young
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    teenagers, who were poor, who came from
    broken homes, who had been raped or had
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    children out of wedlock, boys who had
    stolen things or run away from home, who
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    were rounded up, mostly by welfare workers
    and put in the institutions, sometimes
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    just put in solely for the purpose of
    being sterilized.
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    [Music playing]
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    [NARRATOR]: But how could such a policy
    of mass sterilization have been sanctioned
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    in a free society? Dr. Paul Lombardo has
    spent 13 years studying the legal history
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    of Virginia's program. He started at
    Amherst Courthouse, where the Lynchburg
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    sterilizations were authorized and the
    records-
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    [Static]
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: The theory of
    eugenics. Eugenics is somewhat peculiar
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    word to modern era, but at the time people
    understood it to mean the science, if you
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    can call it a science, of being well born,
    that is the science of good breeding, of
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    heredity, of having healthy productive
    people marry other healthy productive
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    people and have children, and preventing
    those who were not healthy and productive
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    from having any children at all.
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    [NARRATOR]: The word eugenics was coined
    by the British scientist Sir Francis
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    Galton in 1883. Galton was a cousin of
    Charles Darwin. The eugenicists wanted to
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    encourage survival of the fittest, while
    eliminating the unfit through surgical
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    sterilization. Eugenicists claimed that
    simple laws of heredity could be applied
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    to all kinds of complex human qualities.
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    [MAN]: Mental capacities as well as
    physical characters are inherited. The
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    family history shows special talents
    reappearing in successive generations.
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    Feeble-mindedness and many other
    undesirable qualities are also heritable.
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    [NARRATOR]: Fearing that the nation was
    being swamped by defectives, the
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    eugenicists believed that government
    should have the power to prevent further
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    racial degeneration. Social reformers on
    the left as well as the right were seduced
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    by the idea. Writers like H. G. Wells, and
    George Bernard Shaw, and politicians like
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    Winston Churchill believed that eugenic
    sterilization would improve the vigor of
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    the nation and save millions on welfare,
    prisons, and hospitals. In Britain,
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    Galton's ideas were never put into
    practice. It was a different story in the
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    United States.
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: In America, the ideas
    that were propounded by the eugenicists
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    were taken up as a practical way of
    limiting reproduction among people whom
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    some felt should not reproduce.
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    [NARRATOR]: Compulsory sterilization had
    strong support from American politicians.
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    It also had a broad appeal to ordinary
    people. Along with prizes for pig breeders
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    and pie bakers, state fairs held fitter
    family contests to reward those who
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    practiced good breeding. Eugenics became
    a household word, but there were a few
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    dissenting voices. Hollywood was one.
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    [Music playing]
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    [MRS. WHITE]: Now sit down, I want to talk
    to you. I am Mrs. White of the Welfare
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    Association. You are 17, aren't you Alice?
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    [ALICE]: Yes, but what have you done to
    my folks?
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    [MRS. WHITE]: Well, we thought it
    necessary to present your family's case
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    to the State Medical Commission. And after
    an examination, they decided it was a
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    (inaudible) action to take, and have your
    entire family sterilized.
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    [ALICE]: Well, what's that? I don't know
    what you're talking about!
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    [MRS. WHITE]: Well, we investigated your
    family's history, Alice, and most of the
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    past three generations have been
    feeble-minded, congenital cripples,
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    or (inaudible) drunks. It's even been been
    proven each generation is more of a
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    problem. Now in this state, we have a law
    which provides for such people to have an
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    operation so there won't be any more
    children.
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    [ALICE]: I see.
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    [MRS. WHITE]: And you can go back to your
    job soon. I will arrange for (inaudible).
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    [ALICE]: But I'm picking my job, I'm not
    going anywhere.
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    [MRS. WHITE]: Now you're going to the
    hospital too, Alice.
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    [ALICE]: And do you mean they're going to
    stop me from having children ever?
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    [MRS. WHITE]: Exactly.
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    [ALICE]: I'm alright, I tell you, I won't
    go to any hospital.
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    [NARRATOR]: By the mid-1920's, the
    eugenicists were determined to overcome
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    all opposition to enforced sterilization.
    During his research, Dr. Paul Lombardo
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    uncovered an extraordinary conspiracy.
    Dr. Albert Priddy, a Lynchburg
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    superintendent, had been privately
    sterilizing inmates, but stopped in 1917
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    when he was sued for damages by a victim.
    Fearful of being sued again, Priddy needed
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    Dr. Laughlin's model law to be declared
    constitutional by the highest court in the
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    land. In 1924, Priddy colluded with others
    to bring a test case before the U.S.
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    Supreme Court. A case they knew they would
    win. It began here, at Amherst, and became
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    known as Buck versus Bell.
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Buck vs. Bell was the
    first time that the United States Supreme
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    Court said that it was okay under the
    constitution to sexually sterilize someone
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    because they were likely to have children
    who were in the words of the court,
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    socially inadequate.
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    [NARRATOR]: The person Priddy used to
    serve his purposes was a teenage girl
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    named Carrie Buck. Carrie came from a
    poor family that lived in Charlottesville,
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    Virginia. Her mother Emma was suspected
    of being a prostitute and had already been
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    committed to Lynchburg. They said she was
    feeble-minded. Carrie was sent to live
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    with foster parents, John and Alice Dobbs.
    John Dobbs worked on the railway in
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    Charlottesville, and was active in local
    affairs. When Carrie was 16, she was raped
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    by a nephew of the Dobbs in this house.
    She became pregnant, and in 1924, gave
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    birth to a little girl who she named
    Vivian. Ashamed of what had happened,
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    the Dobbs wanted to be rid of Carrie and
    reported her to the authorities. Although
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    a victim of rape, her pregnancy out of
    wedlock was sufficient to have her taken
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    away to the Lynchburg Colony.
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    [Music playing]
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    [NARRATOR]: What happened to Carrie would
    change the lives of tens of thousands of
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    poor teenagers like her.
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    [Screaming]
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    When Carrie Buck arrived at Lynchburg,
    she found herself in terrifying
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    circumstances. Torn from her daughter
    Vivian, she was brought before
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    Dr. Albert Priddy, whose stated mission
    was to rid the nation of people like her.
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    Priddy examined Carrie, and classified
    her, like her mother, as feeble-minded of
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    the moron class, a moral delinquent, and
    worthy of sexual sterilization. In fact
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    she was none of these things, but Priddy
    now had two generations of the Buck family
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    locked away. Priddy knew that the Virginia
    law only applied to people with hereditary
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    defects, so Carrie Buck appeared the
    perfect subject for Priddy's test case.
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Probably the most
    important person after Dr. Priddy was a
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    man named Aubrey Strode. Aubrey Strode
    was the attorney who represented the
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    Virginia colony in this case. Mr. Strode
    served a term as senator in the state
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    assembly, he also acted as a lobbyist and
    he wrote legislation at the request of
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    people like Dr. Priddy. His counterpart
    was a lawyer named Irving Whitehead who
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    was appointed to represent Carrie Buck.
    Mr. Whitehead had more than a passing
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    acquaintance with the Virginia colony as
    well. He had been a member of its first
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    special board of directors, he had
    actually voted to sterilize people even
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    before the specific statute was passed in
    1924. Whitehead and Strode had been
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    friends, they'd grown up together in the
    village of Amherst. They had been business
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    associates, political friends, and had
    worked together in lobbying to gain
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    additional funding for the Virginia
    colony.
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    [JUDY CROCKETT]: They set up the Supreme
    Court challenge to this and what can only
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    be described as a sweetheart deal, with
    everybody who participated in the lawsuit
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    being someone who was strongly in favor of
    the sterilization law including the person
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    who was supposed to be representing Carrie
    Buck. So, it was, it was an outrage, that,
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    that case was an outrage that it went
    forward and that they accepted those
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    ideas.
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    [NARRATOR]: As proceedings got underway
    at Amherst Courthouse, expert evidence was
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    given against Carrie by a man who had
    never examined her, never even met her.
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    It was Dr. Harry Laughlin, the very man
    who wrote the model sterilization law.
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    Dr. Laughlin was in charge of the Eugenics
    Record Office on Long Island, New York.
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    This organization tracked down so-called
    "problem families" and promoted the idea
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    of compulsory sterilization. Dr. Laughlin
    was America's leading eugenicist. He
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    trained hundreds of field workers to
    gather data on families he thought should
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    be sterilized. When Priddy needed an
    expert witness to testify against Carrie,
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    Laughlin was the obvious choice.
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Even though Laughlin
    never met Carrie Buck, never examined her,
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    in fact never saw her, he produced a
    deposition for her trial. The deposition
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    was based verbatim on information given to
    him by Dr. Priddy, and the deposition
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    repeated the phrase that Priddy used to
    describe the Buck family. "These people
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    belong to the shiftless, ignorant, and
    worthless class of anti-social whites of
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    the South." That phrase made its way into
    the Supreme Court records of the Buck vs.
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    Bell case. Laughlin said that Carrie was a
    socially inadequate person, that she was a
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    moral delinquent because she had had
    a child and hadn't been married and that
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    in fact all of the pointers of heredity
    indicated that her family was the source
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    of this hereditary deficiency and that
    Carrie herself would pass on her defects
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    to those she had as children. The court
    also heard evidence from a woman named
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    Caroline Wilhelm. Miss Wilhelm was a Red
    Cross nurse and she was very familiar with
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    the Buck family. She also had the
    opportunity to observe Carrie's child
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    Vivian, when Vivian was not more than six
    months old. When asked in court how that
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    child responded, Miss Wilhelm was unable
    to come up with specifics, but said simply
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    that there was something peculiar about
    the child. "I'm not sure exactly what it
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    is," she said, but there is something
    peculiar about it." It was that comment
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    that became the basis for Carrie's
    sterilization. She was later condemned as
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    one of three generations of imbeciles, her
    mother being the first, Carrie the second,
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    and her daughter Vivian, who was simply
    somewhat peculiar, the third.
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    [NARRATOR]: In the spring of 1927, the
    case of Buck vs. Bell came before the U.S.
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    Supreme Court. It was heard by Justice
    Oliver Wendell Holmes. Holmes is one of
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    the greatest figures in American
    jurisprudence and is widely regarded as
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    a libertarian. But in this case, he issued
    an opinion which was to deprive tens of
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    thousands of Americans of their right to
    have children. Holmes said they could be
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    forcibly sterilized by declaring, "The
    principle that sustains compulsory
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    vaccination is broad enough to cover
    cutting the Fallopian tubes."
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    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: Holmes, in a phrase
    which is remembered even today, concluded
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    that Carrie was in fact a feeble-minded
    mother of a feeble-minded daughter,
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    herself the daughter of another feeble-
    minded mother. Drawing the line under
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    these three people, Holmes said simply,
    "Three generations of imbeciles are
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    enough," and declared that the Virginia
    law was constitutional and could be
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    applied to Carrie and others like her.
  • 23:20 - 23:22
    [JUDGE]: Do you know anything about her
    family background?
  • 23:22 - 23:24
    [DOCTOR]: Yes, your honor, I do.
  • 23:24 - 23:25
    [JUDGE]: There are several other children,
    aren't there?
  • 23:25 - 23:27
    [DOCTOR]: Yes.
    [JUDGE]: What is their condition?
  • 23:27 - 23:31
    [DOCTOR]: One is a cripple, two others
    might be classed as feeble-minded.
  • 23:31 - 23:35
    [JUDGE]: Isn't the oldest son in jail?
    [DOCTOR]: Oh, yes I believe so.
  • 23:35 - 23:38
    [JUDGE]: And knowing all that you still
    contend that this girl should be allowed
  • 23:38 - 23:40
    to bring more people like that into the
    world?
  • 23:40 - 23:43
    [DOCTOR]: She's normal, your honor.
    She's not anything like the rest. Surely
  • 23:43 - 23:46
    she should be given a chance to work out
    her own salvation.
  • 23:46 - 23:50
    [JUDGE]: I can't agree with you, doctor.
    Suppose she is normal. The chances are
  • 23:50 - 23:53
    that her children will inherit the family
    thing, isn't that possible?
  • 23:53 - 23:55
    [DOCTOR]: But your honor, I...
  • 23:55 - 23:59
    [JUDGE]: I'm sorry doctor. Three
    generations of unfit are enough. Petition
  • 23:59 - 24:01
    not allowed.
  • 24:01 - 24:04
    [ALICE]: Don't you understand what you're
    doing? Look at me, can't you see that I'm
  • 24:04 - 24:10
    well and strong and I will be a good
    mother too, judge, honest I will.
  • 24:10 - 24:20
    [Music playing]
  • 24:20 - 24:26
    [NARRATOR]: After Buck vs. Bell, the
    floodgates opened. American states began
  • 24:26 - 24:32
    wholesale sterilization of poor citizens
    at the margins of society. Eugenics became
  • 24:32 - 24:37
    a cornerstone of American social policy.
    States competed to sterilize the largest
  • 24:37 - 24:47
    numbers of citizens and boasted of how
    much public money they saved. In 1933,
  • 24:47 - 24:52
    Hitler came to power. One of his first
    acts was to introduce a eugenic
  • 24:52 - 25:04
    sterilization law. While Hitler encouraged
    breeding from ideal human stock, his
  • 25:04 - 25:10
    sterilization act marked the beginning of
    the Holocaust. In the first three years,
  • 25:10 - 25:17
    the Nazis sterilized more than 225,000
    people. The final total was nearly half a
  • 25:17 - 25:24
    million. Throughout the Nazi period,
    eugenic sterilizations in America
  • 25:24 - 25:33
    increased. The Lynchburg authorities
    welcomed Hitler's sterilization law. Their
  • 25:33 - 25:39
    annual report of 1933 praised the great
    German republic. They wrote, "Apply the
  • 25:39 - 25:46
    pruning knife with vigor." Hitler's
    sterilization law borrowed directly from
  • 25:46 - 25:53
    Dr. Harry Laughlin's American legislation.
    In 1936, the Nazis recognized Laughlin's
  • 25:53 - 25:57
    contribution to race hygiene by giving him
    an honorary doctorate from the University
  • 25:57 - 26:14
    of Heidelberg. Virginia health officials
    envied the Nazi sterilization program. In
  • 26:14 - 26:28
    1934, one of them declared, "The Germans
    are beating us at our own game." In
  • 26:28 - 26:33
    Hitler's Germany, sterilization soon gave
    way to the killing of mental patients by
  • 26:33 - 26:38
    lethal injection and ultimately the final
    solution in which more than six million
  • 26:38 - 26:41
    died.
  • 26:41 - 26:46
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: It was obvious that the
    program that America had, had some
  • 26:46 - 26:51
    influence on the Nazis. I was startled to
    find that out, I always thought that the
  • 26:51 - 26:57
    Nazis kind of thought it up for
    themselves. It struck me as incredibly
  • 26:57 - 27:03
    ironic that before World War II, that
    there was all this very florid language in
  • 27:03 - 27:09
    the reports about how, about eugenics. And
    after world- and sterilizations ran high,
  • 27:09 - 27:13
    and after World War II the sterilizations
    did not drop, they just changed the
  • 27:13 - 27:16
    language.
  • 27:16 - 27:20
    [NARRATOR]: Judy Crockett wanted
    Virginia's sterilization law repealed, and
  • 27:20 - 27:26
    for the state to pay compensation. But she
    needed to find victims of the program to
  • 27:26 - 27:28
    build her case.
  • 27:28 - 27:36
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: Among the first people
    that I interviewed was Doris Buck who was
  • 27:36 - 27:42
    Carrie Buck's sister, and her husband
    Matthew Figgins. They had just recently
  • 27:42 - 27:46
    found out that she had been sterilized.
    They had spend most of their lives trying
  • 27:46 - 27:51
    to have kids and, finally realizing that
    they weren't going to, adopting their
  • 27:51 - 27:56
    nephews and nieces, and they were still
    very upset about having found out that she
  • 27:56 - 28:01
    had been sterilized. It was clear to me
    when I interviewed her that there was
  • 28:01 - 28:05
    something drastically wrong with this
    program. I mean, bad as it would have
  • 28:05 - 28:10
    been if it had only sterilized mentally
    retarded people. It was much worse to have
  • 28:10 - 28:16
    sterilized and ruined the lives of people
    who were clearly not retarded and
  • 28:16 - 28:26
    obviously able to function in society.
    Just reaching the victims of the program
  • 28:26 - 28:31
    was an enormous obstacle for us. These
    were folks who were really deeply
  • 28:31 - 28:38
    humiliated and hurt by the fact that they
    had been institutionalized in the first
  • 28:38 - 28:46
    place, and then that the state had decided
    that they were so disgusting that they
  • 28:46 - 28:50
    shouldn't be allowed to have kids. We
    didn't feel that it was our business to
  • 28:50 - 28:55
    ferret people out, they needed to want to
    come to us. The reporters were ferreting
  • 28:55 - 29:00
    people out. So when they ferreted them out
    they would say "You should call the ACLU."
  • 29:05 - 29:08
    [NARRATOR]: One of the reporters who
    searched for the victims is Mary Bishop,
  • 29:08 - 29:14
    of the Roanoke Times. Thirteen years
    later, she is still concerned with their
  • 29:14 - 29:17
    plight.
  • 29:17 - 29:20
    [MARY BISHOP]: I was looking through court
    records from the 20's and 30's, looking
  • 29:20 - 29:24
    for people who had been sterilized with
    the colony, looking for people who'd lived
  • 29:24 - 29:31
    through all that. And among those names I
    found a Jesse Frank Meadows. And I looked
  • 29:31 - 29:36
    in the Lynchburg phone book and found a
    Jesse F. Meadows, and called him and I
  • 29:36 - 29:39
    said, "Well, I'd like to come and talk
    with you," and he said, "Well, come right
  • 29:39 - 29:44
    over." So I went over that day and it was
    about all I could take, just to hear an
  • 29:44 - 29:48
    hour of it at that time because there was
    such sadness in it.
  • 29:54 - 30:00
    Mr. Meadow's mother died in childbirth
    when he was 13, and his father quickly
  • 30:00 - 30:05
    married another woman and his stepmother
    decided she didn't want to raise any of
  • 30:05 - 30:13
    the children, she wanted all the children
    to be dispersed. He was sent to the
  • 30:13 - 30:18
    Virginia colony, he was just 17 years old.
    He was sent there in 1940.
  • 30:35 - 30:38
    [MARY BISHOP]: Hey, Mr. Meadows! How're
    you doing?
  • 30:38 - 30:40
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Fine, fine, how
    are you?
  • 30:40 - 30:45
    [MARY BISHOP]: Good to see you. Nice day,
    huh?
  • 30:45 - 30:46
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah.
  • 30:46 - 30:52
    [MARY BISHOP]: Hi puppy. Sure is. You got
    a nice breeze here though, as always.
  • 30:52 - 30:54
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah.
  • 31:00 - 31:04
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS] They took me in an
    operating room and they were taking shots
  • 31:04 - 31:11
    and the... and the doctors coming in and
    nurses and they examined me to see if I
  • 31:11 - 31:17
    was numb enough, and they started cutting.
  • 31:17 - 31:19
    [MARY BISHOP]: Were you watching?
  • 31:19 - 31:24
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: Yeah. After I went
    back to the ward 10. I was sore for a week
  • 31:24 - 31:30
    or two and could hardly walk. It took some
    people really bad when they operated on
  • 31:30 - 31:40
    them, they put them back in the hospital.
    And give them more shots and give them
  • 31:40 - 31:43
    penicillin, nearly killed some of them.
  • 31:56 - 31:59
    [MARY BISHOP]: Mr. Meadows would have
    loved to have been a father, and he would
  • 31:59 - 32:06
    have been a very good father. He loves
    children and he really misses that, he's
  • 32:06 - 32:10
    very sad that that could not have happened
    to him.
  • 32:10 - 32:15
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: It's been terrible,
    I might have wanted some children when I
  • 32:15 - 32:27
    got older. Yeah, pretty hard life and one
    boy, they took him when he was 15, and
  • 32:27 - 32:33
    threatened to have him done like that. His
    mother and father got lawyers and got him
  • 32:33 - 32:39
    away from there before they had time to do
    it. Some other boys, they'd run away and
  • 32:39 - 32:44
    go into service to keep them from
    doing it.
  • 32:44 - 32:50
    [NARRATOR]: Sterilization was not the only
    scandal at the Lynchburg colony.
  • 32:50 - 32:55
    Able-bodied inmates were exploited for
    their labor. Boys worked on the colony's
  • 32:55 - 33:08
    farm for as little as 25 cents a week. The
    girls served in the dining hall, and were
  • 33:08 - 33:14
    made to help on the wards. Other inmates
    had their labor sold outside the colony,
  • 33:14 - 33:21
    and worked as virtual slaves.
  • 33:21 - 33:25
    [JESSE FRANK MEADOWS]: I felt like I'd
    never get out, well I just thought I'll
  • 33:25 - 33:33
    never get out. They said they needed me
    there for work. They said they didn't have
  • 33:33 - 33:40
    enough painters, and they'd have to keep
    me there till they got somebody, paint
  • 33:40 - 33:44
    until they got somebody. And then they'd
    give me a raise, but all I ever seen was
  • 33:44 - 33:49
    25 cents a week.
  • 33:49 - 34:00
    [Music playing]
  • 34:00 - 34:05
    [NARRATOR]: Punishments at Lynchburg were
    severe. One of the most frequent was the
  • 34:05 - 34:10
    blind room. Tiny cells where inmates were
    placed in solitary confinement for up to
  • 34:10 - 34:16
    90 days. Their heads were shaved and they
    were made to wear a hospital gown. The
  • 34:16 - 34:20
    cells contained nothing except a mattress
    and a bucket.
  • 34:20 - 34:28
    [MARY DONALD]: I didn't like it then, so I
    went and run, and when I came back they
  • 34:28 - 34:32
    put me in this "blind room," they put me
    in there and I stayed in there for a
  • 34:32 - 34:38
    while. And they'd get somebody who was
    mean, another patient who was mean, and
  • 34:38 - 34:42
    put them in the blind room with me, make
    them stay in there with me, and I was
  • 34:42 - 34:44
    scared to death.
  • 34:44 - 34:59
    [Music playing]
  • 34:59 - 35:04
    Then I saw something there
    one day, I'm not calling no names,
  • 35:04 - 35:11
    and I saw this person, I'm gonna say
    person, I think it sounds better, beat
  • 35:11 - 35:16
    this patient, you know, that didn't have
    too much mind, put her in a straitjacket
  • 35:16 - 35:20
    and all, and twist her arms behind her.
    And they used to carry these real heavy
  • 35:20 - 35:25
    keys, you know, on the side of their
    pocket, and would beat this patient with
  • 35:25 - 35:34
    it. And the next morning when I got up,
    the patient was dead. I asked a certain
  • 35:34 - 35:40
    party, I said, "What happened to Mary?"
    and she said, "Well, she's deceased," but
  • 35:40 - 35:46
    I think she really, you know, beat her to
    death with the keys, and I was scared to
  • 35:46 - 35:49
    say anything about it, because they said
    if I said anything about it, I'd get the
  • 35:49 - 35:55
    same thing that patient did. That was the
    worst part, I guess.
  • 35:55 - 36:09
    [Music playing]
  • 36:09 - 36:13
    [NARRATOR]: Despite repeated stories like
    Mary Donald's, the state denied all
  • 36:13 - 36:20
    liability. Judy Crockett pressed ahead
    with the lawsuit on behalf of the victims.
  • 36:20 - 36:29
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: Once we got the victims,
    then the state really started to go
  • 36:29 - 36:34
    berserk. We wanted to get their medical
    records, and the state threw up all kinds
  • 36:34 - 36:39
    of roadblocks. The governor at that time,
    Governor Dalton announced to the press,
  • 36:39 - 36:44
    "No, I'm not going to notify people so
    that they can sue the state for the ACLU."
  • 36:44 - 36:49
    So we really had this fight through the
    state's resistance to letting us get at
  • 36:49 - 36:51
    their documents.
  • 36:51 - 36:57
    [NARRATOR]: Eventually Judy Crockett's
    persistence paid off.
  • 36:57 - 37:01
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: We discovered as we
    started to finally get the records that
  • 37:01 - 37:09
    there had been a kind of a kangaroo court
    proceeding where the teenage inmate was
  • 37:09 - 37:14
    brought before someone who was acting as
    a judge, and accompanied by someone who
  • 37:14 - 37:18
    is supposed to be acting as their attorney
    representing their best interest and that
  • 37:18 - 37:26
    there was some sort of form, where, of a
    hearing where the issue was discussed. I
  • 37:26 - 37:30
    was startled to find out that there was
    any kind of hearing because most of the
  • 37:30 - 37:34
    people I talked to didn't recall ever
    having a moment at which they were told
  • 37:34 - 37:40
    that they were going to be sterilized and
    asked if they agreed to be sterilized. And
  • 37:40 - 37:46
    what we found when we started looking at
    the hearings was that they were completely
  • 37:46 - 37:52
    lacking in all the necessary elements that
    you have to have when somebody is agreeing
  • 37:52 - 37:57
    to a medical procedure, or any sort of
    a procedure, that the person who was
  • 37:57 - 38:01
    supposed to be representing their best
    interest, in most cases had never met
  • 38:01 - 38:07
    them, never discussed the issue with them,
    in fact often didn't even seem to know
  • 38:07 - 38:10
    their name, never even spoke.
  • 38:10 - 38:18
    [NARRATOR]: Hearing officer: How old are
    you? Boy: 17. How long have you been here?
  • 38:18 - 38:23
    About eight months. Are you going to
    school? I was going, but I quit. Do you
  • 38:23 - 38:28
    like the movies? Yes sir. Do you like the
    funnies? Yes sir. You don't mind being
  • 38:28 - 38:39
    operated on, do you? No sir. Alright, you
    can go ahead. Hearing officer: How old
  • 38:39 - 38:45
    are you? Girl: 16. Where is your home?
    Richmond. How long have you been here?
  • 38:45 - 38:51
    Five months. You like it here alright?
    Yes. You know what sterilization is? Yes.
  • 38:51 - 38:56
    Alright with you? Yes.
  • 38:56 - 39:03
    [MARY DONALD]: They asked me, "Do you know
    what this meeting is for?" I said, "No
  • 39:03 - 39:09
    sir, I don't." They said, "Well this is a
    meeting you go through when you have to
  • 39:09 - 39:12
    have a serious operation, and it's for
    your health," that's the way they
  • 39:12 - 39:19
    explained it to me. And I said, "Well, if
    it's for my health then, I guess, I'm
  • 39:19 - 39:22
    going through with it," see, I didn't know
    the difference.
  • 39:22 - 39:25
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: The children there knew
    that they would not be able to be released
  • 39:25 - 39:30
    unless they were sterilized. In some of
    the records in the papers other than the
  • 39:30 - 39:37
    hearings it was specified they, she can't
    be released yet to her family because she
  • 39:37 - 39:41
    hasn't been sterilized. We're waiting
    until she's sterilized before she can be
  • 39:41 - 39:43
    released.
  • 39:43 - 39:47
    [CHARLES WILLS]: Well, after they
    completed the hospitalization stay, they
  • 39:47 - 39:52
    were just re-entered into the various
    education and training programs as if
  • 39:52 - 40:00
    nothing happened. Forgive the remark, but
    I don't think sterilization cut the gleam
  • 40:00 - 40:10
    out of anybody's eye, it was just, I
    think, a procedure to not permit people to
  • 40:10 - 40:16
    have subnormal quotation marks children
    that couldn't function too well in
  • 40:16 - 40:19
    society.
  • 40:19 - 40:26
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: It was obvious that they
    had suffered a really deep blow to their
  • 40:26 - 40:33
    sense of who they were, and one that was
    never going to be able to be fixed. What
  • 40:33 - 40:37
    accompanied that was the clear sense that
    the state had thought that they were
  • 40:37 - 40:43
    basically trash, worthless, and having
    children was a very big focus in their
  • 40:43 - 40:48
    lives, it was something they had expected
    to do, something that they wanted to do,
  • 40:48 - 40:53
    it would have made an enormous difference.
    Numbers of them felt that their marriages
  • 40:53 - 40:57
    had been ruined, their husbands had left
    or whatever, because they couldn't have
  • 40:57 - 41:00
    children, and I believe that's probably
    true.
  • 41:00 - 41:11
    [Music playing]
  • 41:11 - 41:17
    [MARY DONALD]: I guess I stayed there
    about 16 years. In 1958, I stayed over
  • 41:17 - 41:24
    there until 1958. And then when I married,
    he come and got me out and married me. I
  • 41:24 - 41:31
    reckon that was the best part of my life.
    And him and I got married, and I told him
  • 41:31 - 41:34
    all about my life, you know, I told him
    how I'd been sterilized and couldn't have
  • 41:34 - 41:38
    no child. But at the time he said it
    didn't make no difference if I could have
  • 41:38 - 41:45
    a child or not, he loved me like I was. So
    we was married about, I guess 10 years, I
  • 41:45 - 41:52
    had 10 years of good marriage, and then he
    decided he wanted to get divorced. I
  • 41:52 - 41:55
    figure me being sterilized and all that
    was the cause of our marriage being broke
  • 41:55 - 42:05
    up like that. Cause he loves children and
    all that. He loved kids. And I used to lay
  • 42:05 - 42:08
    in my bed and cry cause I couldn't give
    him what he wanted, I wanted to give him a
  • 42:08 - 42:16
    son to bear his name, cause most men, they
    want a son to bear his name. And I cried
  • 42:16 - 42:19
    and he said, "Don't worry about it, honey,
    everything's gonna be alright." But then
  • 42:19 - 42:26
    as years go by, I don't know, he began to
    change his mind. So he got divorced and
  • 42:26 - 42:31
    married somebody else. That's the end of
    that story now.
  • 42:31 - 43:03
    [Music playing]
  • 43:03 - 43:10
    [NARRATOR]: The Virginia sterilization
    program ended only in 1972. Despite the
  • 43:10 - 43:16
    best efforts of Judy Crockett and her
    colleagues, the 8,300 victims were never
  • 43:16 - 43:23
    to receive justice. The court ordered a
    final settlement in 1985.
  • 43:23 - 43:28
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: I have to admit that I
    was disappointed. It was clear from early
  • 43:28 - 43:33
    on that the judge was not going to declare
    something unconstitutional that the
  • 43:33 - 43:40
    Supreme Court had said earlier was okay.
    What I most deeply would have wanted would
  • 43:40 - 43:49
    be a sincere apology from the governor on
    the behalf of the state of Virginia. Most
  • 43:49 - 43:55
    of the people that we dealt with had
    either had the sterilization or found out
  • 43:55 - 44:00
    about the sterilization long enough ago
    that we could not have asked for any money
  • 44:00 - 44:08
    for them. What we did get was an
    announcement on the radio and in the
  • 44:08 - 44:13
    papers, to people that if they had been
    in institutions in these times and had an
  • 44:13 - 44:18
    operation, they should get in touch with
    the state and the state did agree to
  • 44:18 - 44:22
    provide some sort of mental health
    counseling. But they would never agree to
  • 44:22 - 44:29
    paying for reversal operations.
  • 44:29 - 44:34
    [NARRATOR]: Carrie Buck, sterilized
    because of a Supreme Court decision in
  • 44:34 - 44:41
    1927, left Lynchburg, got married and
    worked as a housekeeper. After the death
  • 44:41 - 44:50
    of her first husband, she married Charles
    Ditmore. They returned to Charlottesville,
  • 44:50 - 44:55
    and were found living in abject poverty in
    a house with no heat or running water.
  • 44:55 - 45:04
    Carrie was eventually taken to a nursing
    home where in 1982, Paul Lombardo met her.
  • 45:04 - 45:13
    She had just played the role of the Virgin
    Mary in a Christmas pageant. Carrie died a
  • 45:13 - 45:25
    few weeks later in January 1983. A handful
    of people attended her funeral, which took
  • 45:25 - 45:30
    place on a cold, rainy day. Dr. Lombardo
    was the only mourner who knew the drama
  • 45:30 - 45:35
    which had begun with Carrie's rape in
    1923, and continued with her forced
  • 45:35 - 45:47
    sterilization in 1927. Dr. Lombardo
    discovered two other gravestones in the
  • 45:47 - 45:52
    Charlottesville cemetery which relate to
    Carrie's story. One belongs to the Dobbs
  • 45:52 - 45:57
    family, her foster parents whose nephew
    had raped her and caused the birth of her
  • 45:57 - 46:02
    daughter, Vivian. After Carrie had been
    taken away to Lynchburg, Vivian was
  • 46:02 - 46:11
    adopted by the Dobbs. Next to the Dobbs
    monument is a tiny gravestone with a
  • 46:11 - 46:18
    legend, V. A. E. D., Vivian Alice Elaine
    Dobbs, Carrie's daughter who died
  • 46:18 - 46:27
    tragically at the age of eight from an
    intestinal disorder. Paul Lombardo learned
  • 46:27 - 46:32
    that Vivian attended the Venable School
    in Charlottesville. He went there to look
  • 46:32 - 46:36
    for evidence of her alleged
    feeble-mindedness.
  • 46:36 - 46:42
    [DR PAUL LOMBARDO]: I came here to the
    Venable School, ultimately, and found the
  • 46:42 - 46:47
    report cards of Vivian, which demonstrated
    to me what I had suspected all along.
  • 46:47 - 46:56
    There were no generations of imbeciles in
    the Buck family, not three, not two, not
  • 46:56 - 47:01
    even one. Least of all Vivian who at one
    point had even been on the honor role in
  • 47:01 - 47:08
    this very school.
  • 47:08 - 47:13
    [NARRATOR]: Carrie Buck's story has a
    strange footnote. Dr. Harry Laughlin, the
  • 47:13 - 47:17
    man who testified against her, himself
    became the kind of person he wanted to
  • 47:17 - 47:23
    sterilize. He developed severe epilepsy
    and was dismissed by his employers, the
  • 47:23 - 47:28
    Eugenics Record Office. The work of the
    Eugenics Record Office was discredited as
  • 47:28 - 47:34
    early as 1935 by a team of independent
    scientists. They judged its methods and
  • 47:34 - 47:42
    records unsatisfactory for the study of
    human genetics. The eugenicists wanted a
  • 47:42 - 47:47
    neat and orderly society with social
    problems excised by the surgeon's knife.
  • 47:47 - 47:52
    In the case of Buck vs. Bell, they
    presented false evidence to justify
  • 47:52 - 47:58
    compulsory sterilization. Throughout
    America, they forced 70,000 people to
  • 47:58 - 48:04
    undergo unnecessary operations and robbed
    them of the ability to have children.
  • 48:04 - 48:09
    [JUDY CROCKETT]: We don't have the wisdom
    to make those decisions, we don't begin to
  • 48:09 - 48:17
    understand what makes a good person or
    what makes a worthwhile person. We're so
  • 48:17 - 48:25
    caught up in our prejudices, in our
    habits, and we could lose this beautiful
  • 48:25 - 48:33
    variety as this, this wonderful messiness
    that we have in the world, and we could
  • 48:33 - 48:39
    get so terribly tidy. We could tidy away
    all of our flaws and lose all of our
  • 48:39 - 48:46
    wonder, all of our excitement, all of
    our unexpectedness.
  • 48:46 - 48:51
    [Music playing]
  • 48:51 - 48:54
    [NARRATOR]: Catch the best from
    independent filmmakers tomorrow night
  • 48:54 - 48:58
    starting at 10:30 when Independent View
    shows the latest film and video. It's
  • 48:58 - 49:02
    followed at eleven by two features about
    crooks without a clue. Zoom in on
  • 49:02 - 49:08
    independent films tomorrow night at 10:30
    on KQED, on the web at KQED.org.
  • 49:08 - 49:37
    [Music playing]
Title:
The Lynchburg Story
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
English
Duration:
49:37

English, British subtitles

Revisions