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SIGMUND FREUD UNDER ANALYSIS - NOVA - Discovery/History/Psychology (documentary)

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    [Narrator:] Sigmund Freud revolutionized our thinking about the human mind.
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    But who was this man?
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    And how do his theories hold up today?
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    [Professor Peter Gray:] Freud really believed that he had come upon
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    certain insights about the way the mind works
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    that he regarded as remarkable
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    and quite original.
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    [Dr. Francis Crick:] Mind you, he did have many insights,
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    but if you ask in straight scientific terms,
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    I'd be very surprised if much of it survives.
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    [Narrator:] Tonight on NOVA: Freud Under Analysis.
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    Major funding for NOVA is provided by this station
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    and other public television stations nationwide.
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    Additional funding was provided by
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    the Johnson and Johnson family of companies,
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    supplying health-care products worldwide.
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    And by Allied Signal, a technology leader
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    in aerospace, electronics, automotive products,
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    and engineered materials.
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    [Music]
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    [Narrator:] Sigmund Freud is heralded as one of the great thinkers
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    of the 20th century, famous for his ideas
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    on dreams, childhood sexuality, and the role of the unconscious.
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    Freud saw himself as a scientist
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    who had discovered a method of understanding
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    the mysteries of the mind,
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    which he called psychoanalysis.
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    But how scientific is psychoanalysis?
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    And how well do Freud's ideas stand up to
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    our modern understanding of the mind?
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    Freud revolutionized the way we think about ourselves,
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    but today there is a widening gap between the popular
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    and the scientific views of Freud.
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    [Peter Gray:] We live, clearly, in a Freudian
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    world, and it is quite unthinkable
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    to envision the world without his language,
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    without his ideas, however well or ill
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    they are expressed.
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    [Dr. Francis Crick:] There's no doubt that his ideas
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    appeal to the imagination of the time,
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    partly because they are revolutionary
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    and partly because they seem to fit in to
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    the general way of thinking.
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    And so they have a very large cultural impact,
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    and yet the probability is, they won't be correct.
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    [Narrator:] The Freudian Revolution began
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    here in Vienna. These films, taken in the late 1920s
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    show Freud's followers. They came from all over
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    the world to the city that was known as
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    the center of psychoanalysis.
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    Some were physicians like Freud, others were
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    intellectuals drawn to Vienna by the excitement
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    of being part of a new movement.
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    But most came to learn Freud's radical
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    new form of treatment.
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    They entered his famous consulting rooms
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    at Bergasse 19, in the hopes of undergoing
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    a training analysis with the master himself.
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    When these films were taken, Freud was in his 70s.
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    His daughter Anna, herself an analyst,
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    was a constant companion.
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    Psychoanalysis was Freud's passion.
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    During the day he saw patients,
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    at night he spent hours reading or writing.
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    He was tireless in his devotion to what he called
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    his new science.
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    His ideas were so powerful, so potent,
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    that they have dramatically influenced
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    almost every discipline, including literature,
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    art, and medicine.
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    But the Freudian legacy is a complicated one.
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    Although he wanted psychoanalysis to stand
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    on its own as a science, it is known today
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    mainly as a form of therapy.
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    As a young doctor in the 1930s, Joseph Wortis
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    traveled to Vienna to undergo a training
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    analysis with Freud.
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    Now a psychiatrist at the State University of New York,
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    Dr. Wortis describes his first session:
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    [Dr. Wortis:] I was rather surprised at his
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    physical appearance; he was then well into
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    his 70s and he was extremely small and frail,
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    and at the same time, quite energetic.
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    He spoke in a vigorous sort of professorial style,
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    clipping his syllables, and he was direct and to the point.
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    He said he would be glad to take me on,
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    he stated his fee, which would be
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    the equivalent of twenty dollars an hour,
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    which seems very little nowadays, but in those
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    days in Vienna, it was a substantial fee,
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    and he said my responsibilities would be
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    simply to expose my thoughts, my feelings,
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    to be candid, to discuss my dreams, and he
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    did not set a specific goal. I think his assumption
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    was that in time, material would turn up,
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    which he would interpret or, as he would say,
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    bring to consciousness, and that's how
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    the analytic process would unfold.
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    I would come in and say, "Herr Professor,
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    I had some really good dreams last night,"
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    and he would say, "Fine, let's talk about them."
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    And he would approach them with a real interest
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    and zest, and if I was able to pitch in with
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    some interpretations that he liked,
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    he would say, "This was a very good session."
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    On the other hand, if I was skeptical
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    and resistant, he would show his disappointment
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    and sometimes his irritation, in no uncertain way.
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    And he would say "You have no right to be skeptical."
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    He said, "First you should learn about analysis."
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    [Narrator:] When the Freud Museum opened
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    in London in the summer of 1986, many of Freud's
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    followers, those who did learn about the analysis,
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    gathered to pay tribute.
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    Among them was an historian from Yale University,
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    Professor Peter Gay, the author of a new biography
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    of Freud.
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    The museum is in the house
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    where Freud lived the last year of his life,
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    after having fled Vienna during the Nazi occupation.
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    He brought with him many of his prized possessions:
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    His writing desk, his collection of antiquities,
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    and the famous couch.
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    Professor Peter Gay:
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    [Peter Gay:] As you look around his study,
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    and above all, his consulting room,
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    you can see he had really two passions,
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    and they blended into one.
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    One was psychology, he said, "I have
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    a tyrant psychology," and he welcomed
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    that tyrant. And the other was, of course,
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    collecting antiquities, which he collected
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    avidly, as soon as he could afford them,
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    which was from the late 1880s on.
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    Freud said, "These are characteristic
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    of what I do. I too am an archeologist.
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    I like to dig, and what I dig at, of course,
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    and dig into, is the human mind."
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    And that metaphor of digging as
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    an archeologist, whether it is finding
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    those treasures or digging into ancient Rome,
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    as he says in one of his books, does bring this together.
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    And his own sense was, this collecting took
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    him back to a kind of childhood of humanity,
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    as he once said. And this is, of course,
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    very close to the work that he was doing when
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    he sat in his chair analyzing patients,
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    going back to their childhood as well.
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    [Narrator:] Vienna at the turn of the century
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    was a city of contradictions.
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    It was dominated by the Victorian ethic
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    of strict morality, at the same time it was
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    also a city excited by new ideas coming from
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    a vibrant, artistic, and intellectual community.
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    But Freud's Vienna, was a world of science
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    and medicine.
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    [Peter Gay:] His friends were doctors,
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    his education - his medical education -
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    was crucial for him, much more important
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    than I think it might be for any ordinary
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    physician, because he absorbed with it,
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    not merely medical knowledge, of which he
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    had a great deal and which he used as
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    a psychologist, rather than as a doctor,
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    but also a philosophy - a view of the world,
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    a completely secular, materialistic view -
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    into which he fitted his psychology.
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    [Narrator:] Freud distinguished himself
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    academically at a very young age.
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    He was a prolific writer and avid reader
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    in the arts, humanities, and sciences.
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    He attended the University of Vienna
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    to study medicine, one of the few professions
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    with opportunities for a young, Jewish man.
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    Freud was schooled in the scientific methods
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    of the 19th century laboratory, which stressed
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    the importance of experimentation, observation,
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    and measurement.
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    He became an expert in neurology.
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    These drawings illustrate his interest in
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    the brain and nervous system.
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    His experiments with nerve cells lead him
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    to invent a new method of dyeing tissue samples
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    for study.
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    Freud also experimented with cocaine.
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    He used it himself for at least 10 years.
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    He was enthusiastic about its therapeutic properties
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    and speculated on its potential as an anesthetic
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    for the eye, publishing several papers,
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    including "On Cocaine".
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    During these years, he was greatly influenced
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    by his university professors, especially
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    Enst von Brucke, an adherent
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    of the Helmholtz School of Thought,
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    scientists who believed that everything
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    was reducible to chemical and physical forces.
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    In the scientific mind of the 19th century,
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    all phenomena could be logically understood.
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    But Freud, now 30 years old and engaged
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    to be married, was warned by his teachers
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    that he would never make enough money as a researcher.
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    They encouraged him to work with patients,
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    and open a private practice.
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    For several years, Freud worked
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    in psychiatric hospitals and clinics.
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    As his practice grew, he became interested
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    in hysteria, a nervous disorder in which patients
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    experience physical symptoms, but have
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    no underlying physical disease.
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    He began using a new, controversial technique,
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    hypnosis. Discouraged with the results, however,
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    he turned to his colleague and close friend,
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    Joseph Breuer, for advise.
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    As Freud later described, it was
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    from these conversations that
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    psychoanalysis began to take form.
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    [Peter Gay:] For sometime, when he was asked
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    who was the founder of psychoanalysis,
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    he would not say, "I am the founder,"
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    but rather he would use his friend and collaborator,
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    and somewhat older Viennese physician,
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    Joseph Breuer, because Breuer had told him
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    the story of one of his - of Breuer's patients.
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    The story of a young, intelligent, well-educated
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    woman who develops all kinds of bizarre
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    psychological symptoms. She forgets her German,
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    for example. She finds herself unable to drink
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    water out of a glass. She has long lapses
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    of attention, which appear to be hysterical
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    in some sense, and of course that is how later
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    it will be called: A very complicated case of hysteria.
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    Now Breuer, more or less by accident,
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    comes upon the way of dealing with
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    and disposing of these symptoms.
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    He does so by asking her, or she in a way
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    suggests this to him (and her share
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    in the cure is very important) that that
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    should all be talked out. That she should see
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    if she could remember what this reminded
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    her of. This becomes, then, the famous
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    talking cure.
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    [Narrator:] At first Freud talked to his patients
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    while they were in a hypnotic state.
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    He believed hysterical symptoms
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    were related to painful events from childhood.
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    He thought that if his patients could remember
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    and talk about the first time they experienced
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    their symptoms, they would be relieved of their suffering.
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    Gradually, he abandoned his use of hypnosis.
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    In one of his most well-known cases,
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    Fraulein Elizabeth von R,
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    Freud wrote about the method he used
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    to help patients recall their earliest memories:
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    "I made her lie down and keep her eyes shut.
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    Throughout the analysis, I made use of
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    the technique of bringing out pictures
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    and ideas by means of pressing
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    on the patient's head. When I pressed her head,
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    she would maintain that nothing occurred to her.
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    I would repeat my pressure, but still nothing appeared.
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    Perhaps, I said, she had not been sufficiently attentive,
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    or perhaps her idea was not the right one.
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    This, I told her, was not her affair.
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    She was under an obligation to remain
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    completely objective and say whatever
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    came into her head, whether
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    it was appropriate or not.
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    Freud began working with a technique
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    he called "Free Association",
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    encouraging his patients to talk freely
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    without interruption or suggestion.
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    [Peter Gay:] Freud was a famous observer
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    and a fine listener. Listening became for him
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    the crucial art; it was not just something
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    passive, like not talking.
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    It was a kind of not talking that was
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    in some very important way, productive,
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    and meant the storing-up in the mind
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    of relevant material that could then
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    be used later and brought to bear
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    when the time was right.
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    This was a matter of tact.
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    So there's a good deal of art
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    to psychoanalysis, as he saw it.
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    And above all, beyond the art,
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    he always himself certainly believed,
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    and I'm willing, by the way, to go
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    along with him on this,
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    that he was really a scientist,
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    a scientist of the mind.
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    And he was working towards
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    and understanding how people work,
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    not just how his patients work.
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    [Narrator:] In 1895, Breuer and Freud
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    published their findings in studies on hysteria.
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    Freud detailed the case histories
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    of six patients, and outlined for the first time,
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    the techniques that would become
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    the foundation of psychoanalysis.
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    These included Free Association and Transference,
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    the process in which a patient
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    transfers feelings from previous relationships
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    onto the relationship with the analyst.
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    But within a year, Freud announced
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    another major discovery: His seduction theory.
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    He claimed that hysteria was caused by
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    sexual abuses or seductions
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    that took place in childhood.
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    He based this new theory
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    on the testimony of his patients.
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    [Peter Gay:] Freud was essentially
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    treating his patients, trying to do two things,
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    which were separate, but he hoped
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    not incompatible. On the one hand
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    he was trying to cure, or at least reduce
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    the strain of the neurotic problems
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    with which they had come.
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    It was simply in that sense a therapy,
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    like others, but he thought better than others.
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    And secondly, he was using his patients
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    as guinea pigs; that is to say, they were
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    part of the laboratory.
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    I think of his consulting room
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    as his one and only laboratory.
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    [Narrator:] The seduction theory was not
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    well-received by Freud's medical
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    and academic colleagues.
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    They rejected his conclusions;
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    even Breuer broke with him.
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    Freud retreated into a period
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    of intellectual isolation.
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    During that time, he shared his ideas
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    mainly with one person, a friend
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    and colleague, Wilhelm Fleiss.
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    Fleiss was a physician in Berlin.
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    During the 15-year period of their friendship,
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    they corresponded almost weekly,
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    sharing personal and professional ambitions.
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    Freud confided to Fleiss that he had a grand vision:
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    To create a universal theory of the mind
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    from his understanding of abnormal behavior.
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    He wrote to Fleiss his project
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    for a scientific psychology.
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    Frank Sulloway is an historian of science
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    at Harvard University. He believes
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    that the project shows how important
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    Freud's scientific aspirations were
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    in formulating his theories.
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    [Frank Sulloway:] The project was
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    Freud's tremendously ambitious attempt
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    to reduce the workings of the mind
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    to basic notions of natural science.
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    And in Freud's day, this included
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    a reliance upon the Neuron Theory,
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    which was just emerging,
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    and the notion that explained mental activity
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    by explanations involving movements of energy
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    between neurons within the brain,
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    or between various cellular elements.
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    And Freud concocted -
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    and I think you have to use the word "concocted" -
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    the most incredibly, ingenious and imaginitive
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    scheme for explaining virtually
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    every kind of mental activity,
  • 16:56 - 16:59
    from thought to judgment to problems dear
  • 16:59 - 17:01
    to his heart in psychopathology,
  • 17:01 - 17:03
    such as repression and various forms
  • 17:03 - 17:06
    of neurosis, hysterical attacks.
  • 17:06 - 17:08
    [Narrator:] Freud soon abandoned the project,
  • 17:08 - 17:10
    but the movement of energy through the body
  • 17:10 - 17:13
    and the mind, especially sexual energy,
  • 17:13 - 17:16
    remained a key Freudian motif.
  • 17:16 - 17:17
    [Frank Sulloway:] It's very important
  • 17:17 - 17:19
    to appreciate why Freud
  • 17:19 - 17:21
    was so fanatical about sex
  • 17:21 - 17:23
    as a cause of neurosis.
  • 17:23 - 17:26
    Why did he pick sex?
    He could have picked lots of things.
  • 17:26 - 17:29
    It's not just the repression
  • 17:29 - 17:32
    that, let's say sex was undergoing,
  • 17:32 - 17:33
    in the Victorian period.
  • 17:33 - 17:37
    Sex was much more important to Freud;
    sex was a biochemical phenomenon,
  • 17:37 - 17:39
    it was a physiological phenomenon.
  • 17:39 - 17:41
    And somebody who was looking for
  • 17:41 - 17:43
    a theory of the mind
  • 17:43 - 17:47
    that can be based upon a natural science foundation,
  • 17:47 - 17:50
    sex is crucial. It provides what Freud once called
  • 17:50 - 17:52
    "the indispensable organic foundation,
  • 17:52 - 17:56
    which much underlie all forms of disease."
  • 17:56 - 18:00
    So, for Freud, sex was a plausible natural science
  • 18:00 - 18:04
    form of pathology, and it takes on its importance
  • 18:04 - 18:07
    in Freudian theory, precisely because of that link
  • 18:07 - 18:10
    to biology and to natural science.
  • 18:10 - 18:12
    [Narrator:] The Freud-Fleiss correspondence
  • 18:12 - 18:15
    indicates that sexuality did become the central
  • 18:15 - 18:17
    concept in Freud's thinking.
  • 18:17 - 18:19
    But one critic, Jeffrey Masson,
  • 18:19 - 18:21
    who translated the letters,
  • 18:21 - 18:23
    believes they also reveal Freud's willingness
  • 18:23 - 18:27
    to explore with Fleiss
    some extreme sexual notions.
  • 18:27 - 18:28
    [Jeffrey Masson:] What's so fascinated me
  • 18:28 - 18:31
    in reading the letters was the degree
  • 18:31 - 18:34
    of Freud's involvement with Fleiss.
  • 18:34 - 18:36
    In the beginning they seem to have found
  • 18:36 - 18:38
    one another in this vast scientific desert;
  • 18:39 - 18:41
    two men who could think the same way,
  • 18:41 - 18:43
    could think alike.
  • 18:43 - 18:46
    Fleiss developed a series of rather strange,
  • 18:46 - 18:50
    even bizarre notions, about the relationship
  • 18:50 - 18:53
    between the female genitalia and the nose,
  • 18:53 - 18:56
    what he called the nasal reflex neurosis.
  • 18:56 - 18:58
    Mainly the things that happened in the genitals
  • 18:58 - 19:01
    were reflected in the nose, and he felt that
  • 19:01 - 19:05
    he sometimes had to intervene with surgery.
  • 19:05 - 19:07
    And Freud, for a very long period,
  • 19:07 - 19:10
    believed in this, accepted Fleiss' ideas,
  • 19:10 - 19:12
    and felt, in fact, that they were
  • 19:12 - 19:14
    really in harmony with his own.
  • 19:14 - 19:17
    Now I think, in retrospect, we would say
  • 19:17 - 19:19
    that they were not in harmony, and Freud no doubt,
  • 19:19 - 19:22
    some years later, would have recognized this himself.
  • 19:22 - 19:28
    But for a period of time,
    Fleiss was enormously influential.
  • 19:28 - 19:29
    [Narrator:] Freudian scholars are aware
  • 19:29 - 19:31
    of the controversial aspects of Freud's relationship
  • 19:31 - 19:36
    to Fleiss. But most analysts, like Dr. Harold Blum,
  • 19:36 - 19:38
    value the letters as an important record
  • 19:38 - 19:41
    of the evolution of Freud's major ideas.
  • 19:41 - 19:43
    The Freud-Fleiss letters are now part
  • 19:43 - 19:45
    of a large collection at the Library of Congress
  • 19:45 - 19:48
    in Washington D.C.
  • 19:48 - 19:50
    [Dr. Harold Blum:] The Freud-Fleiss correspondence
  • 19:50 - 19:53
    is of extraordinary importance as a record
  • 19:53 - 19:57
    of the first self-analysis ever accomplished.
  • 19:57 - 19:59
    The Freud self-analysis was a systematic
  • 19:59 - 20:02
    self-exploration begun in October 1896,
  • 20:02 - 20:05
    after the death of his father.
  • 20:05 - 20:08
    He proceeded to accomplish what no one had
  • 20:08 - 20:10
    ever done before: To analyze himself,
  • 20:10 - 20:13
    so that he was both doctor and patient,
  • 20:13 - 20:15
    although Fleiss served as a confidant
  • 20:16 - 20:18
    and as a kind of proto-analyst, and Freud
  • 20:18 - 20:19
    was reporting the results
  • 20:19 - 20:22
    of his analytic discoveries to Fleiss
  • 20:22 - 20:23
    in these very letters.
  • 20:23 - 20:26
    At that period, dreams provided
  • 20:26 - 20:28
    the greatest insights for him.
  • 20:28 - 20:32
    And he proceeded in a very systematic way
  • 20:32 - 20:35
    to regularly analyze himself on a daily basis,
  • 20:35 - 20:39
    making a record, writing down his dreams,
  • 20:39 - 20:41
    and proceeding to analyze them.
  • 20:41 - 20:42
    [Narrator:] By writing down his dreams
  • 20:42 - 20:45
    and free-associating, Freud recalled events
  • 20:45 - 20:48
    from his youth. He related in a letter to Fleiss
  • 20:48 - 20:51
    the important details of his self-analysis.
  • 20:51 - 20:54
    He had discovered intense feelings of love for his mother,
  • 20:54 - 20:57
    jealousy and hatred for his father,
  • 20:57 - 21:01
    what he would later call "The Oedipus Complex".
  • 21:01 - 21:03
    Freud believed that dreams provided access
  • 21:03 - 21:08
    to a deeper understanding of behavior.
  • 21:08 - 21:11
    [Narrator reading Freud:] "I found the dream represented a particular
  • 21:11 - 21:14
    state of affairs as I should have wished it to be.
  • 21:14 - 21:17
    Thus the content of the dream was the fulfillment
  • 21:17 - 21:21
    of a wish, and its motive was a wish.
  • 21:21 - 21:24
    If we adopt the method of interpreting dreams,
  • 21:24 - 21:29
    we shall find that dreams really have a meaning."
  • 21:29 - 21:31
    [Narrator:] Freud concluded that dreams revealed
  • 21:31 - 21:35
    sexual and aggressive wishes from childhood.
  • 21:35 - 21:39
    He published this radical new vision in 1900,
  • 21:39 - 21:44
    "Interpretation of Dreams," what he called his most original work.
  • 21:44 - 21:47
    He felt he had come upon a universal truth,
  • 21:47 - 21:50
    the idea of infantile sexuality,
  • 21:50 - 21:55
    that everyone was sexual from birth.
  • 21:55 - 21:59
    [Dr. Jacob Arlow:] He decided to ask the patients to do with dreams
  • 21:59 - 22:03
    what he had asked them to do in connection with their symptoms,
  • 22:03 - 22:09
    namely, to discuss each element to see what came to their mind.
  • 22:09 - 22:14
    If they permitted themselves to speak freely and without criticism
  • 22:14 - 22:15
    of their thoughts.
  • 22:15 - 22:22
    In this way, he began to see that dreams expressed a wish from childhood,
  • 22:22 - 22:25
    usually a sexual wish,
  • 22:25 - 22:28
    but did not express it directly,
  • 22:28 - 22:32
    but in a disguised and distorted way.
  • 22:32 - 22:36
    When he describes some of his interpretations of dreams
  • 22:36 - 22:39
    to his good friend and colleague, Wilhelm Fleiss,
  • 22:39 - 22:42
    Fleiss said to him that the interpretations sounded like jokes,
  • 22:42 - 22:44
    and bad ones at that.
  • 22:44 - 22:47
    Far from being offended, what Freud did
  • 22:47 - 22:51
    was take the idea seriously and to investigate
  • 22:51 - 22:55
    what was it that brought the pleasure from jokes.
  • 22:55 - 22:58
    [Narrator:] Freud wanted to demonstrate that psychoanalysis
  • 22:58 - 23:02
    had applications beyond its use as a treatment for neuroses,
  • 23:02 - 23:05
    that it was the key to the workings of the mind.
  • 23:05 - 23:10
    In rapid succession, Freud published, "Jokes and their Relationships to the Unconscious"
  • 23:10 - 23:13
    and "Psychopathology of everyday life,"
  • 23:13 - 23:15
    in which he described how slips of the tongue
  • 23:15 - 23:16
    or forgetfulness
  • 23:16 - 23:21
    revealed conflicts about hidden thoughts or feelings.
  • 23:21 - 23:25
    Freud now saw the mind divided into three areas:
  • 23:25 - 23:29
    The Unconscious, the place of sexual and aggressive wishes,
  • 23:29 - 23:32
    urges, memories, and fantasies,
  • 23:32 - 23:36
    the Preconscious, a gatekeeper that permitted or prevented
  • 23:36 - 23:39
    wishes from entering consciousness,
  • 23:39 - 23:43
    and the Conscious mind, the seat of awareness.
  • 23:43 - 23:47
    Freud believed that when unconscious wishes were in conflict,
  • 23:47 - 23:50
    or when blocked by the preconscious,
  • 23:50 - 23:52
    they came out anyway in slips of the tongue,
  • 23:52 - 23:57
    dreams, or as neurotic symptoms.
  • 23:57 - 23:59
    [Peter Gay:] I think Freud really believed
  • 23:59 - 24:03
    that he had come upon certain insights about the nature of the mind,
  • 24:03 - 24:07
    the way the mind works, that he regarded as remarkable
  • 24:07 - 24:08
    and quite original.
  • 24:08 - 24:10
    Although, he was very well aware that there were other
  • 24:10 - 24:14
    psychologists, philosophers, poets, novelists,
  • 24:14 - 24:17
    who had come upon ideas that he himself had,
  • 24:17 - 24:20
    as he said, "laboriously" had to find through his own laboratory,
  • 24:20 - 24:23
    the patients on the couch.
  • 24:23 - 24:26
    [Narrator:] Freud considered dreams, infantile sexuality,
  • 24:26 - 24:30
    and the unconscious to be his great ideas.
  • 24:30 - 24:32
    He said, "The poets and philosophers before me
  • 24:32 - 24:35
    discovered the unconscious, but I have discovered
  • 24:35 - 24:38
    the scientific means by which it can be studied."
  • 24:38 - 24:41
    But, most of the scientific community in Vienna
  • 24:41 - 24:45
    found his ideas to be peculiar and extreme.
  • 24:45 - 24:47
    [Frank Sulloway:] Freud's notion of the unconscious
  • 24:47 - 24:50
    is a very uniquely Freudian one.
  • 24:50 - 24:53
    It supposes that there's actually an area of the mind
  • 24:53 - 24:56
    that gets sealed off in the course of human development
  • 24:56 - 25:02
    within which tempestuous instincts are struggling for release,
  • 25:02 - 25:05
    but can't find proper release owing to this phenomenon
  • 25:05 - 25:06
    of having them sealed off.
  • 25:06 - 25:08
    And that's the unconscious mind.
  • 25:08 - 25:12
    It's a very animal-like unconscious.
  • 25:12 - 25:16
    It has all of these wild and tempestuous instincts
  • 25:16 - 25:18
    inside of it.
  • 25:18 - 25:20
    And, when we speak of an unconscious behavior,
  • 25:20 - 25:23
    that's a different sense of the word than Freud thought.
  • 25:23 - 25:25
    Freud's was a very dynamic unconscious,
  • 25:25 - 25:27
    and it's one that is much more plausible
  • 25:27 - 25:31
    in the context of biological notions of his day that
  • 25:31 - 25:33
    that unconscious was our animal evolutionary past
  • 25:33 - 25:34
    for Freud.
  • 25:34 - 25:37
    And, in that animal evolutionary past
  • 25:37 - 25:39
    are things that are incompatible with modern civilization.
  • 25:39 - 25:41
    But, there's no way to escape it
  • 25:41 - 25:43
    because we are forced to inherit all of these things
  • 25:43 - 25:45
    from the past and to repeat them.
  • 25:45 - 25:48
    So, Freud's unconscious is alive, powerful,
  • 25:48 - 25:50
    sealed-off, and dangerous.
  • 25:50 - 25:53
    And, it's part of a 19th century thinking about
  • 25:53 - 25:56
    the organism and evolution.
  • 25:56 - 26:00
    [Narrator:] In 1905, Freud published three essays on
  • 26:00 - 26:02
    the theory of sexuality,
  • 26:02 - 26:06
    linking what he had named the psycho-sexual stages of development:
  • 26:06 - 26:08
    oral, anal, phallic, and genital
  • 26:08 - 26:10
    to personality traits.
  • 26:10 - 26:13
    The public was outraged by his use of sexual language
  • 26:13 - 26:16
    in reference to children.
  • 26:16 - 26:19
    Privately, Freud admitted to Fleiss that his new ideas
  • 26:19 - 26:23
    on sexuality had serious implications for his original seduction theory
  • 26:23 - 26:25
    about the cause of hysteria.
  • 26:25 - 26:28
    He wrote to Fleiss that he had been mistaken.
  • 26:28 - 26:30
    He now believed that what his patients had described as
  • 26:30 - 26:33
    sexual abuse was really fantasy,
  • 26:33 - 26:36
    the result of childhood wishes.
  • 26:36 - 26:39
    This change in Freud's thinking has become one of the hot spots
  • 26:39 - 26:41
    in Freudian scholarship.
  • 26:41 - 26:45
    In 1984, Jeffrey Masson published this book.
  • 26:45 - 26:48
    He charged that Freud abandoned his seduction theory,
  • 26:48 - 26:51
    not because of new evidence provided by his work with patients,
  • 26:51 - 26:54
    but because of other pressures.
  • 26:54 - 26:57
    [Dr. Harold Blum:] What became clear to me as I was reading these letters
  • 26:57 - 27:01
    was that there were pressures on Freud that were
  • 27:01 - 27:03
    of a non-scientific nature.
  • 27:03 - 27:08
    For example, the response from his medical and scientific colleagues
  • 27:08 - 27:09
    was a very negative one.
  • 27:09 - 27:12
    They refused to believe with Freud that these events
  • 27:12 - 27:14
    could possibly take place.
  • 27:14 - 27:16
    And he was quite sensitive to this.
  • 27:16 - 27:17
    Remember, he was a young physician.
  • 27:17 - 27:20
    He was just beginning his medical and psychiatric practice.
  • 27:20 - 27:23
    It was important to him in order to have referrals
  • 27:23 - 27:25
    and to have the kind of respect
  • 27:25 - 27:28
    to become a member of the scientific community
  • 27:28 - 27:30
    and of the university scientific community
  • 27:30 - 27:33
    to persuade his colleagues that he had something new to offer.
  • 27:33 - 27:36
    And they were rejecting his ideas about seduction.
  • 27:36 - 27:38
    [Dr. Jacob Arlow:] The abatement of the seduction theory,
  • 27:38 - 27:41
    like every other change that Freud made,
  • 27:41 - 27:44
    was based on the analysis of his findings.
  • 27:44 - 27:52
    He was constantly re-examining his material and his ideas,
  • 27:52 - 27:55
    and correlating theory and findings.
  • 27:55 - 27:59
    This, of course, is the method of science.
  • 27:59 - 28:04
    At first, in the situation and at the time
  • 28:04 - 28:06
    that he was working,
  • 28:06 - 28:11
    he believed the stories that his patients told him
  • 28:11 - 28:15
    of their having been seduced by some older person
  • 28:15 - 28:18
    who had already matured sexually,
  • 28:18 - 28:22
    and that these were the basis of traumatic memories
  • 28:22 - 28:24
    that caused hysteria.
  • 28:24 - 28:30
    It was natural for Freud to take these stories at face value
  • 28:30 - 28:35
    because at that particular time, it was believed
  • 28:35 - 28:38
    that the sexual life of the individual began with puberty.
  • 28:38 - 28:42
    Nonetheless, Freud's patients were telling him
  • 28:42 - 28:47
    that they had sexual fantasies and sexual wishes during childhood.
  • 28:47 - 28:50
    How ever could he explain this
  • 28:50 - 28:54
    except with the idea that something must have happened
  • 28:54 - 28:58
    to stimulate these individuals, these patients, prematurely
  • 28:58 - 29:04
    into sexuality, that is the result of some kind of seduction.
  • 29:04 - 29:07
    [Dr. Harold Blum:] Why really should we care about something
  • 29:07 - 29:10
    that seems like a rather remote historical question?
  • 29:10 - 29:12
    Well, I think the answer is
  • 29:12 - 29:15
    some analysts from the time of Freud - on,
  • 29:15 - 29:19
    were convinced that Freud gave up the seduction hypothesis
  • 29:19 - 29:22
    for purely scientific reasons.
  • 29:22 - 29:27
    And once they believed this, his ideas became really doctrine
  • 29:27 - 29:31
    within psychoanalysis and then spread to psychology
  • 29:31 - 29:34
    and to psychiatry in general, so that his views
  • 29:34 - 29:36
    about reality versus fantasy
  • 29:36 - 29:40
    came to play an enormous role in our society.
  • 29:40 - 29:44
    And they have been taken over from psychiatry and psychology,
  • 29:44 - 29:46
    more or less into the general population,
  • 29:46 - 29:49
    so that we see this, even in the judicial system,
  • 29:49 - 29:52
    when a woman is talking about rape
  • 29:52 - 29:56
    or a child is talking about having been abused,
  • 29:56 - 29:58
    the first tendency is to believe that this may be
  • 29:58 - 30:00
    nothing more than a fantasy.
  • 30:00 - 30:02
    Ultimately, that derives from Freud.
  • 30:07 - 30:09
    [Narrator:] Many of the controversies surrounding Freud
  • 30:09 - 30:12
    have centered on the question of whether psychoanalysis
  • 30:12 - 30:14
    is a science.
  • 30:14 - 30:18
    Freud, himself, thought it had broader applications.
  • 30:18 - 30:20
    In the years following his major publications
  • 30:20 - 30:22
    on childhood sexuality,
  • 30:22 - 30:24
    Freud applied psychoanalytic principles to
  • 30:24 - 30:29
    religion, history, literature, and anthropology.
  • 30:29 - 30:32
    He also had created a new model of the mind:
  • 30:32 - 30:35
    the id, ego, and superego.
  • 30:35 - 30:36
    These three forces represented the
  • 30:36 - 30:40
    interplay of passion, rationality, and moral judgment.
  • 30:40 - 30:44
    His ideas were so powerful that many intellectuals
  • 30:44 - 30:46
    were drawn to psychoanalysis as a way to understand
  • 30:46 - 30:50
    larger, social, and philosophical questions:
  • 30:50 - 30:55
    war and peace, love and hate, religion and morality.
  • 30:58 - 31:00
    Freud often spend his summers in the country
  • 31:00 - 31:01
    outside of Vienna.
  • 31:06 - 31:11
    He found comfort spending time with his wife, their six children,
  • 31:11 - 31:12
    and a loyal group of friends,
  • 31:12 - 31:15
    including Princess Marie Bonaparte of Greece,
  • 31:15 - 31:17
    whom Freud had analyzed.
  • 31:18 - 31:20
    Initially, a small group of adventurous followers
  • 31:20 - 31:24
    gathered around him, some famous and some not.
  • 31:24 - 31:26
    But, they attracted attention to Freud
  • 31:26 - 31:29
    and the new field of psychoanalysis.
  • 31:30 - 31:33
    [Peter Gay:] Freud was, let's say, the first ten years
  • 31:33 - 31:37
    of psychoanalytic practice, let us say from the middle of the 1890s
  • 31:37 - 31:39
    to 1905-6, anything but famous.
  • 31:40 - 31:42
    He may have exaggerated a little bit how isolated he was.
  • 31:42 - 31:44
    He had admirers.
  • 31:44 - 31:50
    By 1906-7, there were in fact even some distinguished, professional admirers.
  • 31:50 - 31:54
    [Narrator:] By 1911, the International Association of Analysts
  • 31:54 - 31:56
    had grown up around Freud.
  • 31:56 - 31:58
    Psychoanalysis was largely rejected by
  • 31:58 - 32:00
    the traditional scientific community.
  • 32:00 - 32:03
    These early analysts saw themselves at the forefront
  • 32:03 - 32:06
    of a new intellectual movement
  • 32:06 - 32:09
    and they banded together against a hostile outside world.
  • 32:10 - 32:13
    But, there was also dissent within the group.
  • 32:13 - 32:16
    Carl Jung, one of Freud's most ardent admirers,
  • 32:16 - 32:18
    claimed that Freud had over-emphasized
  • 32:18 - 32:21
    the importance of childhood sexuality.
  • 32:21 - 32:25
    And later, Karen Horney, another analyst,
  • 32:25 - 32:28
    who had charged that Freud had grossly misunderstood female psychology,
  • 32:28 - 32:32
    a charge that was echoed throughout the coming years.
  • 32:33 - 32:36
    World War I became a turning point in the history
  • 32:36 - 32:37
    of psychoanalysis.
  • 32:37 - 32:40
    Overnight, it gained wider credibility.
  • 32:40 - 32:42
    Techniques derived from psychoanalysis
  • 32:42 - 32:44
    were thought to be useful in treating soldiers
  • 32:44 - 32:47
    who had been shell-shocked in battle.
  • 32:47 - 32:52
    After WWI, European interest in Freudian methods grew.
  • 32:52 - 32:55
    In Berlin, the first training institute was opened.
  • 32:57 - 33:00
    In Vienna, a psychoanalytic clinic was started
  • 33:00 - 33:02
    by the members of the Vienna Society.
  • 33:07 - 33:10
    These institutes were essential to the growth of psychoanalysis,
  • 33:10 - 33:13
    but Frank Sulloway contends there was a price to be paid.
  • 33:16 - 33:22
    [Frank Sulloway:] Freud and his followers took a very crucial step
  • 33:22 - 33:28
    in the 1920s, approximately, when they decided to
  • 33:28 - 33:30
    have their own institutes for training,
  • 33:30 - 33:35
    given hostility to psychoanalysis within the universities
  • 33:35 - 33:38
    to establish their own centers of learning and of training
  • 33:38 - 33:40
    outside of universities.
  • 33:40 - 33:44
    This, essentially, removed psychoanalysis from a 2,000 year tradition
  • 33:44 - 33:47
    of criticism and growth of knowledge.
  • 33:47 - 33:49
    And I think for Freud, it was a short-term gain.
  • 33:49 - 33:52
    Psychoanalysis proliferated with its own teaching mechanisms
  • 33:52 - 33:56
    but it was a long-term disaster, I think.
  • 33:56 - 33:59
    [Narrator:] The 1920's were an exciting time for psychoanalysis.
  • 33:59 - 34:03
    Many analysts, like Franz Alexander of the Berlin Institute,
  • 34:03 - 34:07
    would eventually leave Europe and spread psychoanalysis to America.
  • 34:08 - 34:11
    A. A. Brill, an American analyst, had translated
  • 34:11 - 34:14
    most of Freud's work into English.
  • 34:15 - 34:19
    Ernest Jones, Freud's biographer, would help found
  • 34:19 - 34:22
    the American Psychoanalytic Association.
  • 34:22 - 34:25
    In Europe, Psychoanalysis generally remained outside
  • 34:25 - 34:27
    the medical and academic establishments.
  • 34:27 - 34:30
    But, in America, it would be different.
  • 34:30 - 34:33
    [Frank Sulloway:] The American reception and interpretation of Freud
  • 34:33 - 34:38
    was a very optimistic reception and interpretation.
  • 34:38 - 34:41
    American analysts often believed that they could cure
  • 34:41 - 34:45
    the most severe of neuroses, even psychoses,
  • 34:45 - 34:47
    that they could treat, for example, schizophrenics.
  • 34:47 - 34:50
    This was something Freud had never felt.
  • 34:50 - 34:53
    There was something about psychoanalysis
  • 34:53 - 34:56
    that suggested to Americans, as representatives
  • 34:56 - 34:59
    of a new nation, of a frontier nation,
  • 34:59 - 35:02
    a wonderful buoyant optimism about the mind
  • 35:02 - 35:05
    and the kinds of things that doctors could do for the mind.
  • 35:05 - 35:08
    [Narrator:] The press played a role in popularizing psychoanalysis.
  • 35:08 - 35:11
    Sometimes, in a sensational way.
  • 35:11 - 35:13
    By the 1930's, most Americans were at least familiar
  • 35:13 - 35:16
    with Freud and his new psychology.
  • 35:19 - 35:21
    [Peter Gay:] The magazines were interested in
  • 35:21 - 35:22
    the sensational figure.
  • 35:22 - 35:25
    There he was, this bearded Viennese doctor,
  • 35:25 - 35:28
    talking about sex all the time, so it seemed.
  • 35:28 - 35:31
    Encouraging promiscuity, he seemed to be just perfect
  • 35:31 - 35:36
    for the 1920's and the age of Fitzgerald and so on.
  • 35:36 - 35:38
    This, of course, had nothing to do with
  • 35:38 - 35:40
    the austerity of his doctrine or
  • 35:40 - 35:43
    something that didn't bother the Weekly's
  • 35:43 - 35:44
    or even the newspapers at all.
  • 35:44 - 35:46
    [Dr. Joseph Wortis:] Everybody was reading books
  • 35:46 - 35:50
    about the psychoanalysis and trying to understand their own problems
  • 35:50 - 35:52
    in this way.
  • 35:52 - 35:57
    And this kind of accommodated themselves to this interest
  • 35:57 - 36:02
    by concentrating themselves on psychoanalytic techniques.
  • 36:02 - 36:06
    It was very well-suited to the demands of private practice.
  • 36:06 - 36:10
    Psychiatrists would only need to have a hotel room
  • 36:10 - 36:11
    to practice in.
  • 36:11 - 36:15
    And there seemed to be an endless demand for services
  • 36:15 - 36:17
    for psychoanalytic treatment.
  • 36:17 - 36:19
    [Man:] "May I have your last name?"
  • 36:20 - 36:23
    [Narrator:] During WWII, American army psychiatrists
  • 36:23 - 36:26
    used a modified form of psychoanalysis in
  • 36:26 - 36:29
    combination with other techniques to treat soldiers.
  • 36:29 - 36:32
    In the 40's and 50's, there was an increased interest
  • 36:32 - 36:35
    in psychotherapies, or "talking" therapies, which were
  • 36:35 - 36:37
    based in psychoanalytic theory.
  • 36:37 - 36:43
    [Doctor:] "I noticed you saw a vision of your father.
  • 36:43 - 36:47
    Tell me something about that. What happened?"
  • 36:47 - 36:52
    [Patient:] "Well, I guess it was a dream."
  • 36:52 - 36:55
    [Doctor:] "Well, describe the dream. What did you see in the dream?"
  • 36:55 - 36:59
    [Patient:] "I dreamt that I was home. My brother was home."
  • 36:59 - 37:02
    [Narrator:] After the war, it was considered prestigious
  • 37:02 - 37:05
    for psychiatrists to enhance their medical education
  • 37:05 - 37:07
    with 6 to 10 years of additional training
  • 37:07 - 37:09
    at an analytic institute.
  • 37:12 - 37:15
    [Narrator:] This introductory training film was made in 1962
  • 37:15 - 37:19
    by analysts from the Chicago Institute to demonstrate
  • 37:19 - 37:22
    the proper methods of working with patients.
  • 37:22 - 37:24
    [Patient:] "I don't know whether I need to be here or not.
  • 37:24 - 37:29
    As a matter of fact, I've had a little trouble with jobs,
  • 37:29 - 37:33
    but that's about all."
  • 37:33 - 37:36
    [Doctor:] "Just jobs?"
  • 37:36 - 37:39
    [Narrator:] Analysts were taught the techniques of free association
  • 37:39 - 37:41
    and transference.
  • 37:41 - 37:45
    These techniques continued to distinguish psychoanalysis
  • 37:45 - 37:48
    and analytically-based therapies from the growing number
  • 37:48 - 37:50
    of other "talking" therapies.
  • 37:50 - 37:54
    Analysts believed, as did Freud, that an individual
  • 37:54 - 37:58
    develops complex patterns of behavior early in life
  • 37:58 - 38:00
    and that these patterns inevitably surface
  • 38:00 - 38:04
    in the analysis through the process of transference.
  • 38:04 - 38:07
    [Patient:] "I get this feeling lately that you're critical of me,
  • 38:07 - 38:14
    that you're hounding me, that you're down on me
  • 38:14 - 38:15
    about something.
  • 38:17 - 38:19
    What did I do that was so bad?
  • 38:24 - 38:25
    I don't know what brings this on.
  • 38:25 - 38:28
    Over and over, the same troubles.
  • 38:28 - 38:28
    Now, you.
  • 38:32 - 38:34
    I don't know how to handle situations like this.
  • 38:34 - 38:37
    I'm just stumped. I've been thinking maybe I better
  • 38:37 - 38:38
    clear out.
  • 38:38 - 38:42
    Maybe you and I ought to call the thing quits.
  • 38:42 - 38:46
    Just like the jobs. Just like my old man.
  • 38:46 - 38:50
    I just had to get out of the family and forget about it."
  • 38:50 - 38:53
    [Narrator:] During the 1950's and 60's, pyschoanalysis
  • 38:53 - 38:56
    was considered by many to be the preferred form of treatment
  • 38:56 - 38:59
    for people with emotional problems.
  • 38:59 - 39:01
    But, it was expensive and lengthy.
  • 39:01 - 39:03
    It required four to five sessions a week
  • 39:03 - 39:05
    for at least two years.
  • 39:05 - 39:08
    And, even during a period of relative success,
  • 39:08 - 39:11
    psychoanalysis was under attack.
  • 39:11 - 39:15
    In 1952, an article appeared stating that the outcome
  • 39:15 - 39:18
    for a patient undergoing an analysis was no better
  • 39:18 - 39:22
    than that of someone who had received no therapy.
  • 39:22 - 39:25
    The article, by the British behavioral psychologist,
  • 39:25 - 39:28
    Hans Eysenck, was later refuted.
  • 39:28 - 39:32
    But, criticism like this challenged psychoanalysis
  • 39:32 - 39:34
    to demonstrate its effectiveness through controlled
  • 39:34 - 39:36
    scientific studies.
  • 39:39 - 39:41
    For Freud, his patients confirmed his ideas.
  • 39:42 - 39:45
    They provided him with the material to develop
  • 39:45 - 39:47
    the theory of psychoanalysis.
  • 39:47 - 39:49
    And, what his patients revealed in their sessions,
  • 39:49 - 39:51
    proved its validity.
  • 39:51 - 39:53
    Although Freud saw hundreds of patients, he only
  • 39:53 - 39:57
    wrote extensive cases for 12 of them.
  • 39:57 - 40:00
    These 12 cases and the case-study method
  • 40:00 - 40:04
    became the foundation of psychoanalytic training.
  • 40:04 - 40:07
    Today, many analysts still consider the case-study method
  • 40:07 - 40:09
    sufficient proof.
  • 40:11 - 40:12
    [Dr. Jacob Arlow:] Freud's standard of proof
  • 40:12 - 40:17
    was the conclusions that he could draw from the data
  • 40:17 - 40:21
    that he got within the analytic situation
  • 40:21 - 40:23
    while he was treating patients.
  • 40:23 - 40:27
    This is the investigative tool of psychoanalysis.
  • 40:27 - 40:33
    There is no way of drawing conclusions about psychoanalytic
  • 40:33 - 40:38
    hypotheses if you leave out the data that you get
  • 40:38 - 40:40
    from the analytic situation.
  • 40:40 - 40:43
    [Frank Sulloway:] They're not proving anything by listening to patients
  • 40:43 - 40:45
    confirm their expectations.
  • 40:45 - 40:47
    in rigorous ways.
  • 40:45 - 40:46
    This isn't proof we're testing in
  • 40:47 - 40:52
    Psychoanalysis needs to get itself back into
  • 40:52 - 40:54
    settings where it can be tested in experimental
  • 40:54 - 40:56
    and extra-clinical ways.
  • 40:56 - 40:59
    It needs to take a hard look at areas of the theory
  • 40:59 - 41:03
    that have been problematical and it needs to go on
  • 41:03 - 41:06
    and I think the hardest thing is for the analysts themselves to do this.
  • 41:06 - 41:08
    They don't have the kind of training or background
  • 41:08 - 41:12
    to treat psychoanalysis as the kind of natural science
  • 41:12 - 41:13
    it once was.
  • 41:14 - 41:16
    [Peter Gay:] I think, in part, the attitude towards
  • 41:16 - 41:19
    experimentation, this negative attitude,
  • 41:19 - 41:22
    was, if the word 'fault' is correct, Freud's own fault.
  • 41:22 - 41:25
    But, one might argue that the continuation of this attitude,
  • 41:25 - 41:28
    to the extent of it persists, is the responsibility
  • 41:28 - 41:31
    of those who don't cut themselves loose from Freud
  • 41:31 - 41:34
    simply on the grounds that Freud himself had said this
  • 41:34 - 41:35
    and that's good enough for them.
  • 41:35 - 41:38
    And we all know that that's not what would be called
  • 41:38 - 41:39
    a scientific attitude, for sure.
  • 41:42 - 41:45
    [Narrator:] Although psychoanalysis was the original form of psychotherapy,
  • 41:45 - 41:48
    it is among the least practiced today.
  • 41:48 - 41:53
    The American Psychoanalytic Association, with its membership of 2,500,
  • 41:53 - 41:56
    is small compared to the number of mental health professionals
  • 41:56 - 41:57
    in this country.
  • 41:58 - 42:01
    There is an intense pressure on this community
  • 42:01 - 42:03
    to prove the effectiveness of psychoanalysis.
  • 42:05 - 42:07
    But, providing proof is difficult.
  • 42:08 - 42:10
    The length and private nature of the process
  • 42:10 - 42:13
    do not lend themselves easily to scientific scrutiny.
  • 42:14 - 42:17
    How, then, should psychoanalysis be assessed today?
  • 42:17 - 42:20
    There are many differing views, including those held by critics
  • 42:20 - 42:22
    who are themselves, analysts.
  • 42:23 - 42:25
    Dr. Thomas Szasz.
  • 42:25 - 42:28
    [Szasz:] Well, what Freud developed or what he contended
  • 42:28 - 42:31
    that he develop, really are two interlocking systems.
  • 42:31 - 42:34
    One, a theory of human behavior, both normal
  • 42:34 - 42:36
    and abnormal.
  • 42:36 - 42:42
    And a system of therapy, of treating and relieving mental diseases.
  • 42:44 - 42:47
    Now, he felt that these were mutually confirmatory.
  • 42:48 - 42:51
    In my view, so-called psychoanalytic theory,
  • 42:51 - 42:55
    was not really qualified at all as a scientific theory
  • 42:55 - 42:57
    because it is more like a "Weltanschauung,"
  • 42:57 - 43:03
    an ideology of how human beings should be and should behave.
  • 43:03 - 43:06
    That is legitimate, but that is not science.
  • 43:06 - 43:10
    It's an ideology - perhaps it is the best modern word for it.
  • 43:10 - 43:11
    It's a secular religion.
  • 43:11 - 43:16
    Now, the therapy, again, unless one believes that
  • 43:16 - 43:18
    there is an illness which is being treated,
  • 43:18 - 43:22
    it's not a therapy but a way of helping people.
  • 43:22 - 43:24
    And the two are actually really quite simple.
  • 43:24 - 43:26
    It is quite possible to accept a great deal
  • 43:26 - 43:32
    of therapeutic ideas and methods
  • 43:32 - 43:34
    and reject virtually all of the theory,
  • 43:34 - 43:35
    which is my position.
  • 43:36 - 43:38
    [Narrator:] The body of scientific evidence
  • 43:38 - 43:43
    to support Freudian theory, is so far small and inconclusive.
  • 43:43 - 43:46
    At the Yale Child Study Center in New Haven,
  • 43:46 - 43:48
    researchers are exploring aspects of Freudian theory
  • 43:48 - 43:50
    by observing young children.
  • 43:52 - 43:55
    The study focuses on 4-6 year olds,
  • 43:55 - 43:58
    the age Freud called the most critical phase of development,
  • 43:58 - 43:59
    the Oedipal stage.
  • 44:01 - 44:04
    These researchers acknowledge the importance of many factors
  • 44:04 - 44:06
    in the growth of the child.
  • 44:06 - 44:11
    But, like Freud, they see sexual conflict as a key factor,
  • 44:11 - 44:17
    conflict having to do with sexual identity and feelings toward their parents.
  • 44:21 - 44:25
    The sessions are videotaped to be studied later.
  • 44:25 - 44:32
    [Child:] "He has little pants, exactly a girl with a short haircut.
  • 44:33 - 44:36
    Can you put this on? Can you put this on please?
  • 44:37 - 44:44
    A dress with pants. Have you ever seen that?"
  • 44:45 - 44:47
    [Doctor:] "Have you?"
  • 44:47 - 44:48
    [Child:] "Yes."
  • 44:51 - 44:53
    [Narrator:] The research team studies the tapes,
  • 44:53 - 44:56
    looking for the language patterns, the interaction the child has
  • 44:56 - 44:59
    with her analyst, and themes in her play.
  • 44:59 - 45:02
    They believe these act as clues to understanding
  • 45:02 - 45:03
    a child's inner feelings,
  • 45:03 - 45:06
    especially relating to sexual identity.
  • 45:06 - 45:09
    [Doctor:] "She's working out if it's a boy or a girl,
  • 45:09 - 45:12
    and she says at first that it's a boy.
  • 45:12 - 45:16
    She then takes the pants down and says, 'No, it's a girl.'
  • 45:16 - 45:19
    And she's able to deal with the incongruity
  • 45:19 - 45:24
    by saying, 'Well, it's a girl with short hair and pants.'
  • 45:24 - 45:30
    I think that the curiosity and perhaps some of the conflict
  • 45:30 - 45:34
    that one sees in children at this age is something that she's
  • 45:34 - 45:36
    working on in this moment."
  • 45:37 - 45:40
    [Narrator:] The methods of this study depends on observation
  • 45:40 - 45:43
    and interpretation by the researchers,
  • 45:43 - 45:44
    most of whom are analysts.
  • 45:45 - 45:49
    The study may be useful in expanding upon Freud's ideas,
  • 45:49 - 45:53
    but it does not meet the rigorous demands of the scientific method.
  • 45:54 - 45:58
    Other researchers are conducting controlled experiments
  • 45:58 - 46:00
    and the evidence provided by these studies has moved
  • 46:00 - 46:03
    the field of child development beyond Freud.
  • 46:04 - 46:05
    Dr. Jerome Kagan.
  • 46:06 - 46:10
    [Kagan:] Freud was perhaps the boldest theorist
  • 46:10 - 46:13
    we've had in psychology.
  • 46:13 - 46:18
    He believed strongly that the major determinants
  • 46:18 - 46:24
    of the child's normal growth and pathological growth
  • 46:24 - 46:28
    could be fixed to certain experiences in the opening years of life.
  • 46:28 - 46:31
    But, he ignored the maturational changes that
  • 46:31 - 46:34
    are occurring in the child's central nervous system
  • 46:34 - 46:38
    that permit new mental or intellectual abilities,
  • 46:38 - 46:40
    and those, in turn, permit the child to relate
  • 46:40 - 46:43
    him or herself to the parents and to the outside world.
  • 46:44 - 46:47
    And that, it seems to me, was the mistake that he made
  • 46:47 - 46:50
    in the rest of his theorizing by trying to make
  • 46:50 - 46:56
    sexual energy, sexual conflict, sexual anxiety
  • 46:56 - 47:00
    the key central primary cause of both normal
  • 47:00 - 47:02
    and pathological development.
  • 47:03 - 47:06
    [Narrator:] Dr. Kagan and his colleagues at Harvard University
  • 47:06 - 47:10
    believe that early experience is important in the development
  • 47:10 - 47:12
    of the individual.
  • 47:12 - 47:15
    But, they also believe that the genetic make-up of a child
  • 47:15 - 47:18
    can be a contributor to the development of
  • 47:18 - 47:19
    personality traits.
  • 47:21 - 47:24
    The researchers here use observational methods
  • 47:24 - 47:27
    along with other experimental techniques
  • 47:27 - 47:28
    to gather information about a child's
  • 47:28 - 47:31
    predisposition to certain emotions like
  • 47:31 - 47:35
    boldness, shyness, and in this case, anxiety.
  • 47:41 - 47:46
    These tests are designed to meet the criteria of the experimental method.
  • 47:46 - 47:50
    They have control groups, are repeatable, and provide data
  • 47:50 - 47:53
    from which researchers can predict behavior.
  • 47:54 - 47:56
    Advances in the field of psychology and biology
  • 47:56 - 47:59
    are now beginning to answer some of the same questions
  • 47:59 - 48:02
    posed by Freud almost 100 years ago.
  • 48:04 - 48:07
    In England, a nobel laureate and one of the scientists
  • 48:07 - 48:11
    who discovered the structure of DNA, Dr. Francis Crick,
  • 48:11 - 48:14
    has turned his attention to the study of the brain,
  • 48:14 - 48:16
    including memory and dreams.
  • 48:16 - 48:18
    How does he assess Freud?
  • 48:19 - 48:21
    [Dr. Francis Crick:] Freud was a very strange case
  • 48:21 - 48:23
    because he started off being interested in
  • 48:23 - 48:26
    the physiology of the brain
  • 48:26 - 48:30
    and wanting to try to relate that physiology to psychology.
  • 48:30 - 48:33
    And he wrote an essay on this, so-called "Project."
  • 48:33 - 48:36
    What we know is, is that the ideas he had about physiology
  • 48:36 - 48:38
    were really wrong.
  • 48:38 - 48:41
    When you look at the ideas, they don't seem very plausible,
  • 48:41 - 48:42
    at least not to me.
  • 48:42 - 48:47
    But, they seemed to be based on an old-fashioned idea of the mind
  • 48:47 - 48:51
    and people interested in information processing as I do,
  • 48:51 - 48:53
    would regard as rather naive
  • 48:53 - 48:56
    and heavily culturally determined, let's put it that way.
  • 48:56 - 48:59
    Which, of course, is why he had such a great appeal.
  • 48:59 - 49:01
    Mind you, he did have insights.
  • 49:01 - 49:05
    He did make people realize a lot of their behavior,
  • 49:05 - 49:08
    their motives for their behavior wasn't what they thought they were.
  • 49:08 - 49:11
    He did make it clear that people were more influenced
  • 49:11 - 49:14
    by sexual reasons in the 19th century
  • 49:14 - 49:15
    than they were prepared to admit.
  • 49:15 - 49:17
    Maybe it's different nowadays, and so on.
  • 49:17 - 49:19
    And a lot of other things of that sort.
  • 49:19 - 49:21
    But, if you ask in strict scientific terms,
  • 49:21 - 49:24
    I'd very surprised if much of it survives.
  • 49:24 - 49:27
    Freud thought that dreams were wish fulfillment.
  • 49:27 - 49:30
    He thought that was his great idea.
  • 49:30 - 49:32
    But, when you read his account and how
  • 49:32 - 49:35
    he had to twist things to fit the theory,
  • 49:35 - 49:38
    it's very difficult to accept this.
  • 49:38 - 49:43
    And I'm not sure that all Freudians now accept that key idea of his.
  • 49:43 - 49:47
    And then, of course, he had other aspects of dreams,
  • 49:47 - 49:49
    some of which are more complex
  • 49:49 - 49:53
    and we would feel that that's all too fancy,
  • 49:53 - 49:55
    that it's all too easy to interpret dreams
  • 49:55 - 49:59
    without having any check on what the interpretation is.
  • 49:59 - 50:01
    So, we're inclined to leave all that on one side
  • 50:01 - 50:03
    and say that's for the future.
  • 50:03 - 50:06
    We understand so little of the brain at the moment,
  • 50:06 - 50:09
    it's really a waste of time inventing all these things.
  • 50:09 - 50:12
    People love to do it, but in the past,
  • 50:12 - 50:16
    they liked to believe that dreams foretold the future.
  • 50:16 - 50:19
    Very few people believe that now, but they like to think
  • 50:19 - 50:22
    there's some deep significance in their dreams.
  • 50:22 - 50:25
    We would think it's just an accidental by-product
  • 50:25 - 50:28
    produced by random waves and so on and you
  • 50:28 - 50:30
    shouldn't read too much into it.
  • 50:30 - 50:33
    [Dr. Szosz:] I agree, as many of the most prominent
  • 50:33 - 50:38
    natural scientists, biologists, and philosophers of science
  • 50:38 - 50:43
    who have contended that psychoanalysis is not a science.
  • 50:43 - 50:46
    It has nothing to do with science.
  • 50:46 - 50:49
    It is an ideology and it is, of course, significant,
  • 50:49 - 50:53
    not for it being a science or for its impact on science,
  • 50:53 - 50:54
    which I think is real,
  • 50:54 - 50:56
    but as a cultural phenomenon.
  • 50:56 - 50:57
    It's a historical phenomenon.
  • 50:57 - 51:00
    It's obvious that psychoanalysis and Freud,
  • 51:00 - 51:04
    and here, one nearly should compare him to someone like Marx,
  • 51:04 - 51:07
    or other religious figures who had a tremendous impact
  • 51:07 - 51:08
    on how we live today.
  • 51:08 - 51:11
    [Peter Gay:] The issue, really, is one of names here
  • 51:11 - 51:14
    which I think is not where we should stay.
  • 51:14 - 51:15
    Is it a science or not?
  • 51:15 - 51:18
    The question really is this: Are these assertions
  • 51:18 - 51:19
    made by psychoanalysts, let's see,
  • 51:19 - 51:22
    either the global ones, such as the development of a child
  • 51:22 - 51:26
    through various stages, or the more narrow ones,
  • 51:26 - 51:30
    namely, the interpretations the analyst makes during the hour.
  • 51:30 - 51:32
    Are they in any sense reliable?
  • 51:32 - 51:36
    Or are they just ad hoc assertions that you could read about in a novel?
  • 51:36 - 51:38
    And agree because they're well-stated or
  • 51:38 - 51:41
    disagree because they're not well-stated.
  • 51:41 - 51:43
    And I would think that one would have to suggest is
  • 51:43 - 51:47
    that the kind of organized discipline or science
  • 51:47 - 51:51
    that psychoanalysis claims to be, and I think with justice,
  • 51:51 - 51:55
    is one in which proof and disproof are extremely difficult
  • 51:55 - 51:58
    given the nature of the material, but that any other psychology
  • 51:58 - 52:02
    dealing with fundamental human mental realities
  • 52:02 - 52:03
    faces the same problem.
  • 52:06 - 52:10
    [Narrator:] In 1936, Freud celebrated his golden wedding anniversary
  • 52:10 - 52:12
    with his wife, Martha.
  • 52:16 - 52:18
    They were surrounded by friends and a family
  • 52:18 - 52:20
    that now included many grandchildren.
  • 52:22 - 52:25
    But, this was one of the last celebrations Freud was to hold
  • 52:25 - 52:27
    near his home in Vienna.
  • 52:28 - 52:31
    In 1938, when the Nazis invaded Austria,
  • 52:31 - 52:32
    he fled to England.
  • 52:35 - 52:37
    In London, Freud was a celebrity.
  • 52:38 - 52:40
    He was honored by the royal society.
  • 52:42 - 52:44
    They asked him to sign the official charter book
  • 52:44 - 52:46
    in which his name would appear with the signatures
  • 52:46 - 52:48
    of Isaac Newton and Charles Darwin.
  • 52:50 - 52:53
    He was considered for a Nobel Prize several times
  • 52:53 - 52:54
    but was never chosen.
  • 52:56 - 52:59
    The award he valued most was the Goethe Prize,
  • 52:59 - 53:02
    given not for his scientific contribution,
  • 53:02 - 53:04
    but for his literary achievements.
  • 53:05 - 53:07
    Freud had become the most famous psychologist
  • 53:07 - 53:08
    in the world,
  • 53:08 - 53:10
    but he never achieved the full acceptance
  • 53:10 - 53:12
    of the scientific community.
  • 53:14 - 53:17
    These films are among the last taken of Freud.
  • 53:17 - 53:20
    This was the occasion of his 83rd birthday.
  • 53:20 - 53:25
    He was quite frail, exhausted from a 16-year battle with cancer.
  • 53:26 - 53:30
    He died at his home on September 23, 1939.
  • 53:34 - 53:36
    In one of the only recordings of his voice,
  • 53:37 - 53:39
    Freud summarized his life's work.
  • 53:39 - 53:40
    [Freud's voice reading the following]
Title:
SIGMUND FREUD UNDER ANALYSIS - NOVA - Discovery/History/Psychology (documentary)
Description:

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Video Language:
English

English subtitles

Incomplete

Revisions