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Journey through Slavery ep 1/4 — Terrible Transformation

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    They came from different lands
    all facing an uncertain future.
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    English and Ashanti,
    Mandi and Portuguese
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    German and ???
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    Fanti and Spaniard
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    French and Angolan,
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    some seeking adventure
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    or riches or religious freedom.
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    Others were captive, bartered
    and sold like cattle.
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    Together they would build a nation
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    and struggle over
    the very meaning of freedom
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    and create the America
    we have inherited today.
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    I don't think you can understand
    race relations today
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    without understand slavery.
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    Even though people will say,
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    "I didn't do it, my father didn't do it
    even my grandparents, they didn't do it",
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    one of the things that is essential
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    is to know that slavery is not just
    a southern institution,
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    it is an American institution.
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    What evolves in North America
    is a belief system
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    where to be black meant
    to be a slave and a beast,
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    a slave meant to be black.
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    "We hold these truths to be self-evident.
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    "Why is it self-evident?
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    "They came from God.
    They are inalienable.
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    "The government secures them".
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    Remarkable document.
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    Didn't apply to black folks,
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    and the man who wrote them,
    those words, Thomas Jefferson,
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    kept slaves.
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    He also wrote, sometime later,
    to a friend,
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    "If there is a just God,
    we are going to pay for this".
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    Slavery and freedom existed
    side by side in this country.
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    I think the issue is, did it always
    have to be that way?
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    And the early history of America
    indicates that it, probably, did not.
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    (African song)
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    In the year 1645, in the colony
    that was called Virginia
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    in the county of Northampton,
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    after a season of dispute,
    a white man and a black man
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    went into the field and there
    divided their crop and their land.
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    According to the testimony
    given in court,
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    the man named Anthony the Negro said,
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    "Mr. Taylor and I have divided our corn
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    "and I am very glad of it
    for now I know my own ground".
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    In America it seemed
    all men would be equal
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    all men would be free.
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    In April 1607, three vessels
    carrying 105 colonists
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    landed at a place they named Jamestown,
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    at the edge of the Virginia wilderness.
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    They hoped to establish the first
    permanent English settlement
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    in the New World.
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    There, Englishmen would build
    a new promised land,
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    the brave New World
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    that their poet Shakespeare dreamed,
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    a free land built by free men.
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    The dream was utopian initially,
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    colonies without coercion,
    without oppression,
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    where each man would be regarded
    as free and equal.
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    There was a lot of idealism, I think,
    in the early settlements
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    and in the New World.
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    A lot of idealism, which did not
    stand much to the test of experience.
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    Englishmen believed that their God
    had ordained them to spread his word
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    and that they had the God-given right
    to drive out all unwilling
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    to live according to English law.
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    But in the first two years
    the colonies learned
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    that they were unprepared
    for life in the American wilderness.
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    "The fourth day of September
    died Thomas Jacobson, sergeant.
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    "The fifth day died Benjamin Beast
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    "all men destroyed with cruel diseases
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    "of swellings, flexes, burning fevers
    and by wars.
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    "Some departed suddenly
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    "but, for the most part,
    they died of mere famine.
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    "There was never an English man
    left in a foreign country
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    "in such a misery, as we were
    in this new discovered Virginia".
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    — George Percy.
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    In 1609, 500 settlers lived
    in the Jamestown colony.
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    By the spring of 1610,
    only 60 were left alive.
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    "Abouts the latter end of August
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    "a Dutch man of war
    arrived at Point Confort.
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    "The commander's name was
    Captain Joke.
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    "He brought not anything
    but 20 and odd negroes
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    "which the governor bought
    in exchange for food".
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    — John Rolfe, Virginia colonist.
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    In 1619, a year before the Pilgrims
    landed at Plymouth Rock,
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    a mystery ship appeared out of
    a violent storm off the Virginia coast.
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    No one recorded the ship's name
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    but somewhere on the high seas
    she had robbed a Spanish vessel
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    of a cargo of Africans.
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    In search of supplies, she traded
    the Africans for food.
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    They had been baptized
    and given Christian names.
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    As Christians, they could not
    be enslaved for life, under English law.
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    Like most Europeans in the colony,
    they were purchased
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    to work as servants for a limited
    number of years.
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    The new arrival supplied
    much needed labor
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    for the tobacco crop
    that was making men rich.
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    Settlers were planting tobacco
    in the streets of Jamestown,
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    carving plantations
    out of the surrounding wilderness
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    and shipping some 60 000 pounds a year
    back to England.
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    Once tobacco was established
    as a viable commodity,
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    then the more land you control,
    the bigger profits you can make
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    and in order to make those profits,
    you'd need more labor
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    and you look for that labor
    wherever you can find it.
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    The colony builders initially
    intended to rely
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    almost exclusively on white
    indentured servants
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    as a labor force to cultivate the crops
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    that were being grown in Virginia,
    principally tobacco.
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    And in order to create these raw materials
    of goods you often needed labor.
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    The world the Africans entered
    was controlled by wealthy English men
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    and populated by the English poor,
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    most under the age of 25.
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    In return for passage to Virginia
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    they had traded four to seven years
    of their labor.
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    They were bound to a master
    by an indenture form, a contract,
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    that defined the length of service
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    and the conditions of servitude.
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    Most were promised freedom dues
    after their service,
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    a bushel of corn, a new suit of clothes
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    and 100 acres of land.
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    Under Virginia's headright system
    a planter was entitled to 50 acres of land
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    for each servant brought into the colony.
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    The issue always was how long
    that indenture would be
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    and under what conditions
    you would be forced to work.
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    At its best it was a short
    friendly apprenticeship
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    at its worst it was a long
    and exploitative situation
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    in which you might die
    before you ever obtained your freedom.
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    By 1622, 3000 new settlers,
    drawn by the opportunities
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    of the tobacco boom,
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    had arrived in Virginia.
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    Two years later, the first negro child
    was born in the colony.
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    He was named William Tucker.
    after a Virginian planter.
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    The prosperity that began in 1619,
    and the dream of a new Eden
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    of people pacifically coexisting
    under English law,
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    was seriously threatened in March 1622.
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    On Good Friday, some 30 nations
    of the Powhatan confederacy
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    angered by English violations
    of land treaties
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    attacked without warning
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    and attempted to drive the English
    back into the sea.
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    Along the James River,
    the Indians killed 350 colonists.
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    On the Bennett plantation alone,
    52 people died.
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    Among the 12 who survived
    was a man named Antonio.
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    Here is an individual that arrives
    as one of the first Africans in Americas
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    in the history of what became
    the United States.
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    He does what almost no one
    in early Virginia managed to do
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    and that is live.
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    Everyone that's dying of disease,
    violence and since he is lucky...
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    He had been brought to the colony
    the year before
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    to work tobacco along the James River.
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    His name appeared in the 1625
    Virginia census, as Antonio, a negro.
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    He was listed as a servant.
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    He comes to Virginia, finds a society
    that is just developing,
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    he is getting in on the ground floor
    as it were.
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    I don't know if he was able
    to immediately envision
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    that there would be opportunities
    for him here
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    that were not available elsewhere,
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    I don't know that anyone
    could foretold that.
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    When Antonio arrived,
    the laws of Virginia
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    did not as yet defined racial slavery.
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    They governed only
    the status of servants.
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    At some point, Antonio changed his name
    to Anthony Johnson
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    and married a negro servant
    named Mary from a neighboring plantation.
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    She bore him four children.
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    By 1640, it is clear Anthony and Mary
    were no longer servants.
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    They had acquired their own modest estate
    on Virginia's eastern shore.
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    As Johnson prospered,
    as he obtained land and cattle,
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    he also acquired dependent laborers.
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    What made all this society go
    was property.
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    Your identity on the society
    was determined rather obviously
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    by the amount of land,
    the amount of laborers
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    that you owned.
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    Anthony Johnson was enjoying privileges
    belonging to a free English man.
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    He claimed five workers as head right
    and expanded his property
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    to 250 acres along the Ponga Teague Creek.
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    At least some of his workers were white.
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    By 1650, Anthony was
    one of 400 black people
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    in Virginia, out of a population
    of almost 19 000 settlers.
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    In North Hampton County,
    where Johnson lived,
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    nearly 20 African men and women were free
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    and 13 owned their own homes.
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    As Anthony Johnson
    is accumulating property,
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    it seems as though his situation is secure.
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    You get a sense of this individual,
    this black man
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    being treated like any white planter
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    and his wife and daughters
    being treated like the wife of a planter.
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    At an early moment, when men and women
    were sorting themselves out
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    when the rules the etiquette of race, labor,
    were not so clear,
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    at this moment in one county,
    in Virginia,
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    it was not foreordained
    that race relations would become
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    what they did become.
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    In 1640, the year Anthony Johnson
    purchased his first piece of land,
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    three servants had run away
    from a Virginia plantation
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    and headed for Maryland,
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    captured and returned to their owner.
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    They were tried for breaking the contract.
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    "The said three servants shall receive
    the punishment of whipping
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    "and have 30 stripes apiece.
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    "One called Victor, a Dutchman,
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    "the other a Scotsman,
    called James Gregory,
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    "shall first serve out their times
    according to their indentures
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    "and one whole year apiece after.
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    "And after that, to serve a colony
    for three whole years apiece.
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    "The third, being a negro
    named John Punch
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    "shall serve his said master or his assigns
    for the time of his natural life".
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    — Jamestown court recorder
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    "The time of his natural life".
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    According to all the legal records
    that survived
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    no white servant in America
    ever received such a sentence.
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    So, what it begins to happen in 1640s
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    is that those who are controlling
    the Virginia colony say to themselves.
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    "The fluidity that we have seen in the past,
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    "the fluidity that has allowed
    an Anthony Johnson
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    "to serve less than a life term,
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    "to acquire his own piece of ground,
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    "to develop a free status,
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    "is not something that we want
    to project as going further in the future.
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    "We want to close down that opportunity.
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    "We want to begin
    to show some distinctions".
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    The English definition
    of who could be enslaved
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    began to shift from non-Christian
    to non-white.
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    For Anthony and other Africans in America
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    the idea of an equal chance
    in the colonies, was now under attack.
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    In 1641, Massachusetts
    became the first colony
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    on the British American mainland
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    to recognize slavery
    as a legal institution.
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    Connecticut followed in 1650,
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    Maryland in 1663,
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    New York and New Jersey in 1664.
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    Virginia legally recognized slavery in 1661
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    and a year later, a Virginia court decided
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    that all children born in the colony
    would be free or slave
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    according to the condition of the mother.
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    In Virginia, slavery
    would be defined by race
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    and perpetuated through heredity.
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    Perhaps in the middle of the 17th century
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    if you were one of several thousand
    Africans living in Virginia
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    you certainly knew
    that your children would be free,
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    you might have that expectation
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    and to suddenly find themselves
    involved in lifelong servitude
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    and then to realize that in fact
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    their children might inherit
    the same status
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    that was a terrible blow,
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    that was a terrible transformation.
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    For the first 50 years of the colony
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    most of the unfree labor force
    had been European
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    but that was about to change.
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    Word of the hard life in Virginia
    had gotten back to England
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    and the colonial government faced
    a growing shortage of servant labor,
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    also troubling the colony,
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    where the thousands of free men
    most former indenture servants
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    who were unemployed
    and roaming the countryside.
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    The problem they face is not only
    a decreasing supply of indentured servants
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    but they face this increasing problem
    of what to do
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    with all these indentured servants
    once they leave out their term
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    and a lot of them were surviving,
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    they had to be given land,
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    they had to be given their freedom dues
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    and one of those dues included even guns
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    and there was a lot of unrest in Virginia.
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    In 1661, servants rebelled in York County.
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    Two years later, Gloucester County authorities
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    foiled a plot by nine servants
    to steal arms and ammunition
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    and march on the seat
    of colonial government.
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    In 1676, the unrest in Virginia
    exploded into civil war.
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    An army of 500 free men,
    servants and slaves
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    rebelled against the colonial establishment's
    restrictions on available land.
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    They attacked peaceful Indians,
    ransacked property
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    and burned Jamestown,
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    sending the government into hiding.
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    This disorder that the indentured
    servant system had created
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    made racial slavery to southern
    slaveholders much more attractive
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    because what were black slaves now?
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    Well, they were a permanent,
    dependent labor force,
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    who could be defined
    as the people set apart.
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    They were racially set apart,
    they were outsiders, they were strangers.
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    And in many ways throughout the world
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    with a couple possible exceptions
    slavery has taken root especially well
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    when the people who are enslaved
    are defined as strangers, as outsiders,
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    and can therefore be put into
    an inheritable permanent status of slavery.
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    "I understand there are some slave ships
    expected into York River now every day.
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    "I desire to buy me five or six slaves.
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    "Whereof three or four to be boys,
    a man and a woman.
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    "The boys from 8 to 17 or 18,
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    "the rest as young as you can procure them".
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    — William Fitzhugh, Virginia planter, 1681.
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    Few ships coming from Africa
    made the voyage beyond the Caribbean
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    to sell their cargoes on the mainland
    of British America.
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    In 1672, the king of England chartered
    the Royal African Company
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    encouraging it to expand
    the British slave trade.
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    Shareholders included 15 English Lords
    and 25 sheriffs, the governor of Virginia
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    and John Locke, the philosopher of liberty.
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    In his first 16 years, the company
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    transported nearly 90 000 Africans
    to the Americas.
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    In the last decade of the 17th century
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    it was possible to imagine
    that in a single year
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    a number of new Africans arriving
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    would not equal the total
    black population in the colony
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    are close to it.
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    These were men and women
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    that had no sense of the world
    they were getting into
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    and they seemed to whites
    as very alien foreign unknowable.
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    The Europeans look upon these people
    and they project an image on them.
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    They project an identity
    being that identity, he is African,
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    what that means, he is not American,
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    what that means, he is not European,
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    what that means is separation.
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    "All servants imported and brought
    into this country
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    "who were not Christian
    in their native land
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    "shall be counted and be slaves.
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    "If any slave resists his master
    correcting such slave,
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    "and shall happen to be killed in such,
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    "it shall not be accounted felony.
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    "If any negro shall absent himself
    from his master's service
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    "and hiding and lurking
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    "and if he shall resist any person
    employed to apprehend the said negro,
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    "then it shall be lawful for such person
    to kill the said negro".
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    — Virginia General Assembly, June 1680.
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    We think about slavery
    as this complete package
  • 24:14 - 24:17
    that just came to evil landowners.
  • 24:18 - 24:20
    It did not happen that way.
  • 24:20 - 24:23
    It happened one law at a time,
    one person at a time
  • 24:25 - 24:31
    and as landowners felt the need
    to control a different behavior,
  • 24:32 - 24:35
    year after year, they added more laws
  • 24:36 - 24:40
    until, finally, in 1691,
    they passed the law
  • 24:40 - 24:45
    that made it illegal
    to free a black slave,
  • 24:45 - 24:47
    unless they were leaving the colony.
  • 24:47 - 24:53
    So, by then, it was pretty much set
    that this was going to be a slave society.
  • 24:56 - 24:59
    To move from indentured servitude
    to racial slavery
  • 24:59 - 25:01
    means that they are setting
    their own history
  • 25:02 - 25:06
    on a course where freedom
    is going to depend on slavery
  • 25:06 - 25:10
    where the political economy
    of a major portion of these colonies
  • 25:11 - 25:13
    is going to depend on slavery
  • 25:13 - 25:15
    where the freedom of some
  • 25:15 - 25:17
    was going to depend
    on the bondage of others.
  • 25:18 - 25:23
    It means that the American colonies
    of this jewel the British Empire is living
  • 25:23 - 25:25
    this contradictory history now
  • 25:25 - 25:30
    of a society that is increasingly rooted
    on a labor system that is human bondage
  • 25:31 - 25:33
    that is racial slavery.
  • 25:51 - 25:55
    Anthony Johnson moved
    his family out of Virginia
  • 25:55 - 25:57
    and north to Maryland.
  • 25:57 - 26:01
    There he leased 300 acres
    he called Tony's Vineyard.
  • 26:02 - 26:04
    On that farm, Anthony Johnson died.
  • 26:07 - 26:12
    Back in Virginia, a jury decided
    that the land Anthony had left behind
  • 26:12 - 26:15
    could be seized by the state
    because he was a negro
  • 26:15 - 26:18
    and by consequence an alien.
  • 26:20 - 26:25
    One wonders how Johnson would have
    viewed this changing world of Virginia
  • 26:25 - 26:30
    he lived a very long time,
    he survived and he did quite well
  • 26:30 - 26:32
    by the standards of the day,
  • 26:32 - 26:37
    of building up properties
    hundreds of acres and cattle.
  • 26:37 - 26:41
    By the standards of the time
    anyone would say he did quite well.
  • 26:41 - 26:46
    There is no reason to believe,
    as the 1670s,
  • 26:46 - 26:49
    that the Johnson family is going
    to be squeezed out.
  • 26:54 - 26:57
    Within a few years,
    Anthony's grandson John
  • 26:57 - 27:02
    purchased another 44 acres and,
    in memory of his grandfather's homeland,
  • 27:02 - 27:05
    called the farm Angola.
  • 27:09 - 27:12
    By the time the end of the century came,
  • 27:12 - 27:16
    Anthony Johnson's children
    and grandchildren
  • 27:16 - 27:19
    may well have been fighting to stay free.
  • 27:20 - 27:22
    Many free people were sold into slavery.
  • 27:23 - 27:26
    No, they could not prove
    that they were free.
  • 27:26 - 27:29
    They had no way of letting anybody
    know that they were free
  • 27:30 - 27:32
    so, if a plantation owner came by
    and said,
  • 27:32 - 27:35
    "This is my slave and I want to sell him",
  • 27:35 - 27:37
    you were sold.
  • 27:45 - 27:47
    By the end of the century,
  • 27:47 - 27:50
    nearly 58 000 people
    lived in the colony
  • 27:50 - 27:53
    16 000 were listed as negroes.
  • 27:54 - 27:58
    In 1705, the Virginia Assembly passed laws
  • 27:58 - 28:02
    clearly defining the distinction
    between a slave and a servant,
  • 28:02 - 28:06
    relegating all slaves to the status
    of real estate.
  • 28:09 - 28:13
    The next year, John, the third generation
    of Johnsons in America,
  • 28:14 - 28:15
    died without an heir.
  • 28:16 - 28:19
    That would be the last dimension
    of the plantation
  • 28:19 - 28:21
    named for Anthony's birthplace.
  • 28:21 - 28:26
    Angola plantation,
    like the Johnsons themselves,
  • 28:26 - 28:29
    disappeared from the record books
    of colonial America.
  • 28:46 - 28:49
    "The African trade is a trade
    of the most advantage
  • 28:49 - 28:51
    "for this kingdom of any ???
  • 28:51 - 28:56
    "and as it were all profit, it is indeed
    the best traffic the kingdom has
  • 28:56 - 29:00
    "as it does occasionally give
    so vast employment to our people
  • 29:00 - 29:02
    "both by sea and land".
  • 29:04 - 29:06
    — John Kerry, England.
  • 29:08 - 29:12
    In 1698, the English Parliament
    ended the monopoly
  • 29:12 - 29:15
    of the Royal African Company
    on the African slave trade
  • 29:16 - 29:21
    It became the right of every freeborn
    British subject to trade in slaves.
  • 29:23 - 29:26
    Over the next half century,
    the number of Africans
  • 29:26 - 29:29
    transported to the British colonies
    in British ships
  • 29:29 - 29:33
    increased from 5000 to 45 000 a year.
  • 29:34 - 29:38
    England became the largest trafficker
    in slaves in the Western world.
  • 29:39 - 29:43
    It is the first principle
    and foundation of all the rest
  • 29:43 - 29:47
    that one British writer
    "the mainspring of the machine
  • 29:47 - 29:50
    "which sets every wheel in motion".
  • 29:55 - 29:59
    He was born Igbo, the son
    of a tribal elder,
  • 29:59 - 30:01
    the favorite of his mother.
  • 30:02 - 30:05
    He died an Englishman,
    the father of two daughters
  • 30:05 - 30:08
    and the husband of an English woman.
  • 30:09 - 30:14
    At the age of eleven, Olaudah Equiano
    was kidnapped by Africans
  • 30:14 - 30:17
    and sold to Europeans.
  • 30:20 - 30:22
    Olaudah Equiano
  • 30:22 - 30:24
    Olaudah Equiano
  • 30:47 - 30:50
    "When the grown people were gone
    far in the fields to labor
  • 30:51 - 30:54
    "the children generally
    assembled together to play
  • 30:57 - 31:00
    "and some of us often used
    to get up into a tree
  • 31:00 - 31:03
    " to look out for any
    assailant or kidnapper
  • 31:03 - 31:05
    "that might come upon us.
  • 31:12 - 31:17
    "One day, when only I and my sister
    were left to mind the house
  • 31:17 - 31:20
    "two men and a woman
    got over our walls
  • 31:21 - 31:24
    "and in a moment seized us both
    without giving us time to cry out
  • 31:25 - 31:27
    "or to make any resistance.
  • 31:27 - 31:29
    "They stopped on mounds
    and ran off with us".
  • 31:31 - 31:32
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 32:01 - 32:04
    Who are we looking for?
    who are we looking for?
  • 32:04 - 32:07
    It is Equiano we are looking for.
  • 32:07 - 32:11
    Has he gone to the stream?
    Let he come back.
  • 32:12 - 32:14
    Has he gone to the market?
    Let him come back.
  • 32:15 - 32:18
    Has he gone to the farm?
    Let him return.
  • 32:18 - 32:20
    It is Equiano we are looking for.
  • 32:36 - 32:38
    For more than four centuries
  • 32:38 - 32:43
    people disappeared from the savannas,
    the rain forest, and the villages
  • 32:43 - 32:44
    of the black Africa.
  • 32:48 - 32:52
    Farmers and craftspeople,
    commoners and African nobility.
  • 32:54 - 32:57
    Most were strong young men,
    aged 15 to 25
  • 32:59 - 33:02
    but women and children
    were also taken and sold.
  • 33:12 - 33:15
    To obtain slaves, Africans waged war,
  • 33:16 - 33:19
    destroying communities
    stealing people.
  • 33:20 - 33:23
    To escape the spreading violence
    many moved to the interior,
  • 33:23 - 33:28
    abandoning family compound,
    farms and entire villages.
  • 33:39 - 33:44
    In West Africa, more than 20 million
    people were kidnaped into slavery.
  • 33:44 - 33:47
    Only half would survive
    the journey to the coast.
  • 33:49 - 33:52
    The boy Equiano was one of the survivors.
  • 34:02 - 34:05
    "At last I came to the banks of a large river,
  • 34:07 - 34:10
    "I was beyond measure
    surprised at this
  • 34:11 - 34:15
    "as I had never before seen
    any water larger than a pond or river.
  • 34:28 - 34:31
    "And my surprise was mingled
    with no small fear
  • 34:31 - 34:34
    "when I was put into one of these canoes
  • 34:34 - 34:37
    "and we began to paddle
    and move along the river".
  • 34:41 - 34:42
    On the journey to the coast,
  • 34:42 - 34:45
    Equiano passed
    from one African master to another.
  • 34:46 - 34:50
    Once he was sold for 172 cowry shells.
  • 34:52 - 34:54
    He learned three different languages,
  • 34:54 - 34:56
    travelled some 800 miles
  • 34:56 - 35:00
    and encountered people and customs
    unfamiliar and frightening to him.
  • 35:11 - 35:14
    After close to seven months of travel
    on foot and by boat,
  • 35:15 - 35:17
    he reached the African coast.
  • 35:22 - 35:27
    "The first object that saluted my eyes
    when I arrived on the coast was the sea
  • 35:28 - 35:32
    "and a slave ship which
    was then riding at anchor
  • 35:32 - 35:34
    "and waiting for its cargo.
  • 35:34 - 35:40
    "This filled me with astonishment
    but was soon converted into terror".
  • 35:42 - 35:44
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 35:56 - 36:00
    It was an ancient business,
    this trade in human beings
  • 36:00 - 36:02
    between Africa and Europe.
  • 36:07 - 36:10
    Fifty years before Columbus
    sailed to the New World,
  • 36:10 - 36:15
    Portuguese explorers had sailed
    to West Africa, at first seeking gold.
  • 36:16 - 36:21
    They built a fort in 1482
    and called it El Mina, a mine.
  • 36:25 - 36:28
    The Portuguese pointed their guns
    toward the Atlantic
  • 36:28 - 36:33
    to guard not against Africans
    but against European competitors.
  • 36:34 - 36:39
    Over time, the castle changed hands
    from the Portuguese to the Dutch
  • 36:39 - 36:41
    and finally, the British
  • 36:42 - 36:46
    and the trade changed
    from gold to human beings.
  • 36:53 - 36:58
    "Concerning the trade on this coast
    we notified Your Highness already
  • 36:58 - 37:01
    "that it has completely changed
    into a slave coast
  • 37:01 - 37:04
    "and that nowadays the natives
    no longer occupy themselves
  • 37:05 - 37:06
    "with the search for gold
  • 37:06 - 37:10
    "but rather make war on each other
    in order to furnish slaves.
  • 37:11 - 37:15
    "The Gold Coast has changed
    into a complete Slave Coast".
  • 37:15 - 37:19
    — William de la Palma,
    director, Dutch West India Company.
  • 37:24 - 37:26
    Along the west coast of Africa,
  • 37:26 - 37:30
    from Senegal in the north
    to the Cameroons in the south,
  • 37:31 - 37:34
    the Europeans built
    some 60 forts and castles,
  • 37:34 - 37:39
    warehouses for European merchandise
    and for African slaves,
  • 37:40 - 37:42
    called factories.
  • 37:42 - 37:45
    They were commercial centers
    where agents or factors traded
  • 37:46 - 37:50
    ram, cloth and guns
    for human beings and gold.
  • 37:56 - 38:01
    "The most notable item is the slave house
    which lies below ground.
  • 38:02 - 38:07
    "It consists of vaulted cellars
    divided into several apartments
  • 38:07 - 38:09
    "which can easily hold a thousand slaves".
  • 38:10 - 38:14
    — Captain John Barbot,
    French slave trader.
  • 38:20 - 38:23
    In dungeons built deep
    into the ocean rock,
  • 38:23 - 38:28
    people waited, sometimes a day,
    sometimes a year.
  • 38:30 - 38:33
    These chambers would be
    their last memory of Africa.
  • 38:36 - 38:39
    When a slave ship arrived
    and anchored off the coast
  • 38:40 - 38:43
    they would be led out
    from the darkness to the beach.
  • 38:51 - 38:54
    "As the slaves come down
    to feed of from the inland country
  • 38:54 - 38:57
    "they are put into a booth or prison
    near the beach.
  • 38:57 - 38:59
    "When the Europeans had received them
  • 38:59 - 39:02
    "they are brought out into a large plain
  • 39:02 - 39:04
    "where the surgeons examine
    every one of them,
  • 39:04 - 39:06
    "all stark-naked.
  • 39:08 - 39:13
    "Each which have passed as good,
    is marked on the breast with a red-hot iron
  • 39:13 - 39:17
    "imprinting the mark of the French,
    English or Dutch companies.
  • 39:17 - 39:22
    "In this, particular care is taken
    that the women, as tenderest,
  • 39:22 - 39:24
    "to be not burnt too hard".
  • 39:25 - 39:29
    — Captain John Barbot,
    French slave trader.
  • 39:31 - 39:36
    The white people did not need
    to be present in the interior of Africa.
  • 39:36 - 39:39
    All they needed to do
    was to supply the weapons
  • 39:40 - 39:42
    the people they dealt with
  • 39:44 - 39:47
    those coastal peoples
    right on the coastline
  • 39:48 - 39:52
    who controlled the territory down there.
  • 39:53 - 39:58
    So, Equiano would not have met,
    maybe not even heard of white people.
  • 40:02 - 40:06
    "I have found no place
    where I can enlarge my fortune so soon
  • 40:06 - 40:09
    "is where I now live in this manner.
  • 40:10 - 40:12
    "We spent the prime of youth
    among negroes
  • 40:12 - 40:15
    "scraping the world for money.
  • 40:15 - 40:19
    "The universal God of mankind
    until death
  • 40:19 - 40:21
    "overtakes us".
  • 40:22 - 40:24
    — Nicholas ???, slave trader.
  • 40:28 - 40:30
    Europeans died like flies in that climate.
  • 40:30 - 40:34
    The average expectation
    was three or four years,
  • 40:34 - 40:38
    and so, they had to make money
    where they could.
  • 40:39 - 40:41
    because they knew they did not
    have much time
  • 40:41 - 40:44
    so, in that sense, of course,
    they were trapped.
  • 40:46 - 40:49
    They were caught in the web of the system
  • 40:49 - 40:52
    and held there and died there.
  • 40:58 - 41:02
    The Europeans made more
    than 54 000 voyages
  • 41:02 - 41:04
    to trade in human beings.
  • 41:04 - 41:08
    No one will ever know the exact number
    of people taken from the shores
  • 41:08 - 41:09
    of West Africa
  • 41:09 - 41:12
    but more than 11 million
    have been counted
  • 41:12 - 41:14
    in the records that remained.
  • 41:14 - 41:18
    Most headed for South America
    and the Caribbean Islands,
  • 41:18 - 41:22
    some half a million to the mainland
    of North America.
  • 41:40 - 41:44
    "December 29th, 1724.
  • 41:45 - 41:48
    "No trade today, though many traders
    came on board.
  • 41:49 - 41:53
    "They informed us that the people
    are gone to war with inland
  • 41:53 - 41:56
    "and will bring prisoners enough
    in two or three days
  • 41:56 - 41:59
    "in hopes of which we stay".
  • 42:05 - 42:07
    "December 30th, 1724.
  • 42:08 - 42:12
    "No trade yet, but our traders
    came on board today
  • 42:12 - 42:16
    "and informed us the people
    had burned four towns of their enemies
  • 42:16 - 42:19
    "so that tomorrow we expect slaves".
  • 42:21 - 42:22
    — Liverpool ???
  • 42:28 - 42:35
    "Received in this cargo 46 men,
    34 women, 14 boys, 6 girls
  • 42:35 - 42:38
    "and 147 chests of corn.
  • 42:39 - 42:41
    "The rest of the goods delivered on shore
  • 42:41 - 42:44
    "to Cape Coast and Accra, to Mr. Harbin".
  • 42:45 - 42:47
    — William Dexter, ship's captain.
  • 42:48 - 42:53
    Ship captains were cautioned
    not to buy all their slaves from one place.
  • 42:53 - 42:57
    Africans who knew each other,
    who spoke the same language
  • 42:57 - 43:00
    were more likely
    to conspire and rebel.
  • 43:01 - 43:06
    There would be maybe 25 seamen
    and the ship's officers
  • 43:06 - 43:09
    there might have been a crew of 30
  • 43:10 - 43:14
    and these 30 had to control
  • 43:15 - 43:19
    maybe 300 black men and women
  • 43:20 - 43:22
    who were aware of being abducted
  • 43:23 - 43:26
    and who were desperate
    and who were dangerous
  • 43:26 - 43:30
    because they were obviously
    waiting to seize any opportunity
  • 43:30 - 43:34
    that was offered to rebel
    and to take over the ship
  • 43:34 - 43:36
    and to kill the crew
  • 43:36 - 43:38
    and that did happen fairly frequently.
  • 43:40 - 43:42
    The only way that this could be contained
  • 43:42 - 43:44
    was by a system of fear.
  • 43:50 - 43:54
    "I was now persuaded that I had got
    into a world of bad spirits
  • 43:55 - 43:56
    "and they were going to kill me.
  • 43:57 - 44:01
    "Their complexions too differing
    so much from ours,
  • 44:01 - 44:06
    "their long hair and the language they spoke
  • 44:06 - 44:09
    "which was very different from any
    I had ever heard
  • 44:09 - 44:12
    "united to confirm me in this belief.
  • 44:13 - 44:15
    "I no longer doubted my fate.
  • 44:16 - 44:21
    "I asked if we were going to be eaten
    by those white men with horrible looks,
  • 44:21 - 44:23
    "red faces and long hair".
  • 44:25 - 44:26
    — Olaudah Equiano
  • 44:31 - 44:34
    Captains called the voyage
    from West Africa to the New World
  • 44:35 - 44:36
    the Middle Passage,
  • 44:37 - 44:41
    the middle leg of a triangular course
    that began and ended in Europe.
  • 44:42 - 44:47
    From English ports ships sailed to Africa
    to trade goods for slaves
  • 44:47 - 44:50
    then their human cargo was taken
    into the Americas
  • 44:50 - 44:52
    and traded for raw materials
  • 44:52 - 44:56
    which were then carried back
    to England and sold.
  • 44:56 - 45:02
    The crossing from Africa to the Americas
    usually took 60 to 90 days
  • 45:02 - 45:07
    but some voyages took as long
    as four or even six months.
  • 45:08 - 45:12
    Bad weather and sickness could turn
    any trip into a nightmare.
  • 45:15 - 45:19
    The cramped quarters of ships
    being packed in such a way
  • 45:20 - 45:24
    that a slave would be
    between the legs of another slave
  • 45:24 - 45:27
    and having to lie in the feces.
  • 45:30 - 45:35
    The lack of air, the longer this trip takes,
    the more suffocating.
  • 45:46 - 45:49
    "The surgeon, upon going
    between decks, in the morning
  • 45:49 - 45:52
    "to examine the situation of the slaves
  • 45:52 - 45:55
    "frequently finds several dead
  • 45:56 - 46:01
    "and sometimes a dead and living negro
    fastened by their irons together.
  • 46:02 - 46:05
    "When this is the case,
    they are brought upon the deck.
  • 46:06 - 46:10
    "The living negro is disengaged
    and the dead one thrown overboard".
  • 46:10 - 46:13
    — Alexander Falconbridge,
    ship's surgeon.
  • 46:24 - 46:26
    There are no doubt people who went mad.
  • 46:26 - 46:30
    Inability to communicate decisions
    having to be made
  • 46:31 - 46:33
    and this person suffering as yourself
  • 46:33 - 46:39
    does one help? does one simply try
    to make it the best that one can alone,
  • 46:39 - 46:42
    not knowing "where am I being taken?"
  • 46:42 - 46:44
    "what is my fate?",
  • 46:45 - 46:50
    for weeks, months, depending
    what the point of origin was.
  • 47:20 - 47:24
    "One day, two of my weary countrymen
    who are chained together
  • 47:24 - 47:26
    "somehow made it through the nettings
  • 47:26 - 47:28
    "and they jumped into the sea.
  • 47:28 - 47:33
    "Immediately another quite dejected
    fellow also followed their example
  • 47:33 - 47:37
    "and I believe many more would
    have very soon done the same
  • 47:37 - 47:40
    "if they had not been prevented
    by the ship's crew
  • 47:40 - 47:43
    "who were instantly alarmed".
  • 47:43 - 47:45
    — Olaudah Equiano
  • 47:46 - 47:52
    The idea, I think, was that the slave
    cannot be allowed to die
  • 47:52 - 47:54
    by his will and intention.
  • 47:54 - 47:58
    He cannot be allowed to die voluntarily.
  • 47:58 - 48:01
    If he is going to die it must be
    at the hands of his captors
  • 48:01 - 48:07
    so that in that case he does not spread
    a dangerous example.
  • 48:16 - 48:18
    "Monday 11th December.
  • 48:18 - 48:22
    "By the favor of divine providence
    made a timely discover today
  • 48:22 - 48:25
    "that the slaves were forming
    a plot for insurrection
  • 48:27 - 48:31
    "surprised two of them attempting
    to get off their ???
  • 48:31 - 48:35
    "and in their rooms found knives,
    stones, etc.
  • 48:35 - 48:36
    "and a cold chisel.
  • 48:37 - 48:41
    "There appeared eight principally
    concerned in protecting the mischief
  • 48:41 - 48:45
    "and four boys were supplying them
    with the above instruments
  • 48:46 - 48:48
    "but the boys in ???
  • 48:48 - 48:52
    "and slightly in the thumbscrews
    to urge them to a full confession".
  • 48:53 - 48:55
    — captain John Newton.
  • 49:00 - 49:03
    "We stood in arms,
    firing on the revolted slaves
  • 49:03 - 49:06
    "of whom we killed some
    and wounded many
  • 49:07 - 49:10
    "and many of the most mutinous
    left overboard
  • 49:10 - 49:13
    "and drowned themselves
    in the ocean with much resolution".
  • 49:14 - 49:17
    — James Barbot, English sailor, 1701.
  • 49:34 - 49:36
    "Often did I think many
    of the inhabitants of the deep
  • 49:36 - 49:38
    "were happier that myself.
  • 49:39 - 49:41
    "Every circumstance I met with
  • 49:41 - 49:44
    "served only to render
    my state more painful
  • 49:44 - 49:49
    "and heighten my apprehensions
    and my opinion of the cruelty of whites".
  • 49:51 - 49:53
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 49:54 - 49:57
    The slavers, they knew in one level
  • 49:57 - 49:59
    that these were human beings
  • 49:59 - 50:02
    because there were obviously
    clearly human beings.
  • 50:02 - 50:05
    At the same time, they were
    objects of profit,
  • 50:06 - 50:10
    and those two concepts
    could not be really reconciled
  • 50:10 - 50:12
    and they never were reconciled.
  • 50:12 - 50:17
    It was just, I think, that the sense
    of humanity of these people
  • 50:17 - 50:20
    he was simply suppressed
    for the sake of gold
  • 50:21 - 50:24
    and the shocking thing is
    that human beings are able
  • 50:24 - 50:29
    indefinitely to suppress the urgings
    of their common humanity
  • 50:29 - 50:33
    for the sake of making profits.
  • 50:35 - 50:39
    "Is not the slave trade entirely
    a war with the heart of men?
  • 50:40 - 50:44
    "And surely that which has began
    by breaking down the barriers of virtue
  • 50:45 - 50:49
    "involves in its continuance
    destruction to every principle
  • 50:49 - 50:52
    "and buries all the symptom and ruin".
  • 50:53 - 50:55
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 51:11 - 51:15
    The Middle Passage ended for Equiano
    on the island of Barbados,
  • 51:16 - 51:19
    one of the most profitable colonies
    in the British Empire.
  • 51:21 - 51:26
    On Barbados, it was calculated
    that it was cheaper to work slaves to death
  • 51:26 - 51:28
    and replaced them with new slaves
  • 51:28 - 51:30
    than treat them humanely.
  • 51:31 - 51:35
    Within three years of arrival,
    one out of three slaves would die.
  • 51:37 - 51:41
    The boy Equiano judged too small
    to cut sugar cane
  • 51:41 - 51:44
    was shipped north to the mainland
    British America.
  • 51:46 - 51:49
    On the mainland, the plantation
    system of Barbados
  • 51:49 - 51:54
    was admired and imitated,
    particularly on the Carolina coast.
  • 51:57 - 52:00
    South Carolina started
    as the colony of a colony.
  • 52:01 - 52:03
    Barbados had become overpopulated
  • 52:04 - 52:06
    with the younger sons
    of English merchants
  • 52:06 - 52:08
    and with their slaves
  • 52:08 - 52:12
    and in both cases, they began to look
    around, cast around for new places
  • 52:13 - 52:17
    and in the first decade
    after South Carolina's initial settlement
  • 52:17 - 52:20
    there were just loads
    of immigrants from Barbados
  • 52:20 - 52:24
    who brought with them
    slaves from Barbados.
  • 52:24 - 52:28
    But more important than just
    bring slaves, unlike Virginia,
  • 52:28 - 52:32
    they brought
    a fully conceived idea of slavery.
  • 52:38 - 52:41
    On the shores of the Ashley River
    stand Middleton place
  • 52:41 - 52:45
    home to one of the Carolina's
    oldest families.
  • 52:46 - 52:48
    Middleton family members
    were destined
  • 52:48 - 52:51
    to become part of the Carolina elite.
  • 52:51 - 52:54
    A governor, a congressman,
  • 52:54 - 52:57
    a signer of the Declaration of Independence.
  • 53:00 - 53:04
    The family had been among
    the first settlers arriving from Barbados
  • 53:04 - 53:11
    in 1678, with a land grant in Goose Creek
    just 14 miles north of Charleston,
  • 53:11 - 53:13
    Carolina's slave trading center.
  • 53:15 - 53:19
    By 1706, a second generation
    of Middletons
  • 53:19 - 53:22
    had almost tripled the size
    of the family's land holdings
  • 53:22 - 53:25
    to 5000 acres of Carolina wilderness.
  • 53:26 - 53:33
    At age 25, young Arthur Middleton
    was master of the Oaks plantation.
  • 53:36 - 53:40
    "Dear Sara, Mr. Arthur Middleton
    is married to my sister
  • 53:41 - 53:43
    "and was a schoolfellow with me
    when I was at Carolina.
  • 53:43 - 53:46
    "He is a sensible man and one
    of the richest in the country
  • 53:47 - 53:49
    "with upwards of 100 negroes".
  • 53:49 - 53:51
    — Thomas Amery.
  • 53:52 - 53:56
    Racial slavery turns out to be
    extraordinarily profitable
  • 53:56 - 53:58
    for the people who have seized control.
  • 53:59 - 54:03
    The planter can complain in his diary
    that it has been a bad year
  • 54:03 - 54:08
    or the crop is weak
    or the rainy season lasted too long
  • 54:08 - 54:13
    but year in and year out
    tremendous profits are being made.
  • 54:17 - 54:21
    The immigrants from Barbados
    had searched for a cash crop
  • 54:21 - 54:23
    that would make them rich.
  • 54:23 - 54:25
    Families like the Middletons found it.
  • 54:26 - 54:27
    It was rice.
  • 54:28 - 54:30
    The most prized Africans in Carolina
  • 54:30 - 54:34
    were from Angola, Senegambia
    and the Windward Coast,
  • 54:34 - 54:38
    people who brought the rice growing skills
    the Europeans did not have.
  • 54:43 - 54:47
    "Rice is the most unhealthiest work
    in which the slaves were employed
  • 54:47 - 54:50
    "and they sank under it
    in great numbers.
  • 54:51 - 54:54
    "The causes of this dreadful mortality
  • 54:54 - 54:57
    "are the constant moisture
    and heat of the atmosphere
  • 54:58 - 55:01
    "together with the alternate
    flooding and drying of the fields
  • 55:02 - 55:04
    "and which the negroes
    are perpetually at work
  • 55:04 - 55:06
    "often ankle deep in mud
  • 55:07 - 55:11
    "with their bare heads exposed
    to the fierce rays of the Sun".
  • 55:11 - 55:13
    — Captain Basil Hall.
  • 55:22 - 55:25
    Many masters can't be persuaded
    that Negroes and Indians
  • 55:25 - 55:27
    are otherwise than beasts
  • 55:27 - 55:28
    and use them like such.
  • 55:29 - 55:32
    "I daily perceive that many things
    are done here
  • 55:32 - 55:36
    "out of a worldly principle,
    little for God sake".
  • 55:37 - 55:40
    — Francis Le Jau, Anglican minister.
  • 55:51 - 55:55
    In 1706, the Middletons
    donated four acres of land
  • 55:55 - 55:57
    for a church in Goose Creek.
  • 55:58 - 56:03
    Francis Le Jau, the first full-time
    Anglican minister
  • 56:03 - 56:05
    was not opposed to slavery
  • 56:05 - 56:10
    but he preached that all men
    regardless of color, had immortal souls.
  • 56:11 - 56:14
    He earned a reputation
    for spending time with the Negroes,
  • 56:15 - 56:18
    baptizing and teaching them
    to read the Bible.
  • 56:18 - 56:23
    He spoke out often against
    the brutality of Carolina slaveholders
  • 56:23 - 56:27
    who were seeking to control
    the growing population of Africans.
  • 56:28 - 56:32
    "I have had of late an opportunity
    to oppose with all my might
  • 56:32 - 56:36
    "a very unhuman law in relation
    to runaway Negroes.
  • 56:37 - 56:42
    "Such a Negro must be mutilated
    by amputation of testicles if it be a man,
  • 56:42 - 56:44
    "and an ear, if a woman.
  • 56:45 - 56:48
    "I've openly declared against
    such a punishment
  • 56:48 - 56:50
    "grounded upon the law of God".
  • 56:51 - 56:53
    — Francis Le Jau.
  • 57:10 - 57:14
    The Anglican missionaries probably
    described the black community
  • 57:15 - 57:17
    better than anyone at the time
    in early Carolina.
  • 57:18 - 57:20
    They described it as a nation
    within a nation.
  • 57:22 - 57:26
    The Africans lived separated
    from the rest of society.
  • 57:27 - 57:32
    Being freshly from Africa,
    their frame of reference was African.
  • 57:41 - 57:46
    They were very much familiar
    with this kind of subtropical environment
  • 57:46 - 57:48
    that they found themselves in
    in Carolina.
  • 57:50 - 57:57
    There's still communities of people
    who live, love, raise children and work
  • 57:57 - 58:03
    and they feel that, as people, as humans,
  • 58:04 - 58:06
    they have a right to come and go,
  • 58:06 - 58:10
    they have a right to visit
    their wives and their husbands
  • 58:10 - 58:12
    on other plantations.
  • 58:12 - 58:17
    It was, as one traveler said,
    a Negro country.
  • 58:27 - 58:32
    "Their numbers increase every day
    as well by birth as importation.
  • 58:33 - 58:37
    "and in case they should arise
    a man of desperate courage,
  • 58:38 - 58:40
    "exasperated by a desperate fortune
  • 58:40 - 58:43
    "he might kindle a servile war.
  • 58:45 - 58:47
    "Such a man might be
    dreadfully mischievous
  • 58:47 - 58:49
    "before any opposition
    could be formed against him
  • 58:49 - 58:55
    "and tinge our rivers,
    as wide as they are, with blood".
  • 58:56 - 58:58
    — William Bird, Virginia planter.
  • 59:03 - 59:08
    In 1710, just 15 years after
    rice took hold in Carolina
  • 59:09 - 59:12
    Africans began to outnumber
    Europeans in the colony.
  • 59:13 - 59:18
    As the number of Africans rose
    so too did white fear and retaliation.
  • 59:32 - 59:37
    "Mister D told me once he cut off
    a Negro man's leg for running away.
  • 59:38 - 59:42
    "I asked him if the man had died
    in the operation
  • 59:42 - 59:47
    "and how he, as a Christian, could answer
    for the horrid act before God.
  • 59:48 - 59:53
    "And he told me, answering was a thing
    of another world,
  • 59:53 - 59:56
    "what he thought and did as policy.
  • 59:59 - 60:02
    "He then said his scheme
    had the desired effect.
  • 60:03 - 60:06
    "It cured that man and some others
    of running away".
  • 60:08 - 60:09
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 60:13 - 60:16
    If you were a white authority
    you're constantly trying
  • 60:16 - 60:21
    to figure how tightly you want
    to impose the lid
  • 60:22 - 60:25
    with respect to people running away,
  • 60:25 - 60:28
    how fierce should the punishments be.
  • 60:29 - 60:31
    Should it be a whipping,
  • 60:31 - 60:35
    should it be the loss of a finger
    or a hand or a foot?
  • 60:35 - 60:40
    Should it be wearing shackles perpetually?
  • 60:40 - 60:45
    The entire system of control
    is based on physical punishment
  • 60:45 - 60:48
    often making examples out of people
  • 60:48 - 60:50
    so that others will be intimidated.
  • 60:51 - 60:55
    The colonial legislature passed laws
    designed to more tightly control
  • 60:55 - 60:57
    the growing black majority.
  • 60:58 - 61:03
    Planter records reveal punishments
    inflicted for infractions large and small.
  • 61:04 - 61:07
    "8 February 1709,
  • 61:07 - 61:11
    "I rose at 5 o'clock this morning
    and read a chapter in Hebrew
  • 61:11 - 61:13
    "and 200 verses in Homer's Odyssey.
  • 61:14 - 61:15
    "I hate milk for breakfast.
  • 61:15 - 61:17
    "I said my prayers.
  • 61:17 - 61:19
    "Jenny and Eugene were whipped.
  • 61:21 - 61:25
    "17 April, Annika was whipped yesterday
    for stealing the rum
  • 61:25 - 61:27
    "and filling the bottle up with water.
  • 61:28 - 61:31
    "I said my prayers and I danced, I danced.
  • 61:31 - 61:34
    "Eugene was whipped again
    for pissing in bed
  • 61:35 - 61:37
    "and Jenny for concealing it.
  • 61:39 - 61:42
    "I took a walk about the plantation.
  • 61:42 - 61:47
    "Eugene was whipped for running away
    and had the bit put on him.
  • 61:48 - 61:53
    "I said my prayers, I had good health,
    good thoughts and good humor,
  • 61:54 - 61:56
    "thanks be to God Almighty".
  • 61:56 - 61:59
    — William Bird, Virginia planter.
  • 62:01 - 62:08
    When you enslave a person,
    in some ways you became a slave yourself
  • 62:09 - 62:12
    because masters and slaves
    are natural enemies
  • 62:12 - 62:15
    and that is what the Europeans
    had to deal with.
  • 62:15 - 62:19
    They had to deal with a population
    living amongst them,
  • 62:19 - 62:23
    sometimes the majority
    of the population, in hostility.
  • 62:23 - 62:25
    They lived amongst enemies
  • 62:25 - 62:28
    and, as one Carolina planter said,
  • 62:28 - 62:34
    nowhere on Earth is mankind
    so plagued by enemies
  • 62:34 - 62:38
    living within them as we are
    in our own homes.
  • 62:44 - 62:49
    "The Spanish are receiving and harboring
    all our runaway Negroes.
  • 62:49 - 62:54
    "They have found out a new way
    of sending our own slaves against us
  • 62:54 - 62:56
    "to rob and plunder us.
  • 62:56 - 63:00
    "We are not only at a vast expense
    in guarding our southern frontiers
  • 63:01 - 63:04
    "but the inhabitants
    are continually alarmed.
  • 63:05 - 63:09
    "Out of Middleton acting governor is 1728".
  • 63:10 - 63:15
    On the South Carolina frontier
    word spread of Africans and Indians
  • 63:15 - 63:19
    coming out from Spanish Florida
    to attack planters
  • 63:19 - 63:24
    and of Spanish authorities offering
    runaways freedom on Florida soil.
  • 63:24 - 63:30
    In Goose Creek, an Anglican minister
    complained of secret poisonings
  • 63:30 - 63:33
    and bloody insurrections
    by certain Christians slaves.
  • 63:34 - 63:37
    South Carolina is a pot ready to boil over.
  • 63:38 - 63:42
    Imagine coming into a setup
    that seems almost unbearable
  • 63:42 - 63:45
    and finding that people,
    many of them,
  • 63:46 - 63:49
    have somehow rationalized it
    or are enduring it
  • 63:49 - 63:52
    now that is the best they can do.
  • 63:52 - 63:54
    But you, as a newcomer, might feel,
  • 63:54 - 63:59
    "I am not going to put up with this,
    better to die, trying to change this"
  • 64:00 - 64:03
    and there must have been
    hundreds of people like that
  • 64:03 - 64:07
    in South Carolina, in the 1730s.
  • 64:10 - 64:14
    By the 1730s, close to 2000 Africans
  • 64:14 - 64:17
    were arriving at a port
    of Charleston, each year.
  • 64:19 - 64:25
    From 1735 to 1739,
    out of the 11 000 slaves landed,
  • 64:25 - 64:29
    more than 8000 were listed as Angolans.
  • 64:30 - 64:36
    What develops is a sense among Europeans
    that slaves from certain areas
  • 64:36 - 64:38
    have particular characteristics.
  • 64:38 - 64:43
    Slaves from the Angola area
    are reputed among the English
  • 64:43 - 64:48
    to be particularly difficult,
    to be rebellious.
  • 64:50 - 64:54
    In St. Paul's parish, there were
    close to a thousand new people
  • 64:55 - 64:57
    who just a few years before
  • 64:57 - 65:00
    had been taken from
    the Angola region of Africa.
  • 65:02 - 65:06
    One of them, we only know his name,
    a man named Jimmy,
  • 65:07 - 65:09
    apparently had come recently from Angola.
  • 65:09 - 65:13
    He may not even have spoken English
  • 65:13 - 65:17
    but he may have had strong contacts
    with other Angolans.
  • 65:17 - 65:22
    He had a try to build alliances
    not only with other Angolans,
  • 65:22 - 65:26
    other new arrivals,
    but with other Africans,
  • 65:26 - 65:33
    African-Americans, people from a community
    he was not that familiar with
  • 65:35 - 65:37
    and apparently, he succeeded.
  • 65:42 - 65:46
    During the early morning
    hours of September, 9th 1739,
  • 65:46 - 65:49
    almost as soon as word is received
    in South Carolina,
  • 65:49 - 65:52
    that England and Spain are at war,
  • 65:52 - 65:56
    some 20 Angolan slaves,
    led by the man named Jimmy,
  • 65:56 - 66:01
    began marching towards Saint Augustine
    and the promise of freedom.
  • 66:06 - 66:10
    Just 30 miles from the Middletons'
    Oalk Plantation, at the Stono Bridge,
  • 66:10 - 66:14
    they seized a general store
    where there were arms and powder.
  • 66:20 - 66:25
    They killed the storekeepers
    and left their heads on the doorstep.
  • 66:28 - 66:33
    What better moment to start
    an uprising and try to strike out
  • 66:33 - 66:37
    for St. Augustine and find freedom in Florida
  • 66:37 - 66:43
    in the hope that the Spanish authorities
    are willing to grant freedom
  • 66:43 - 66:46
    to English-speaking slaves
  • 66:46 - 66:49
    who escaped from Carolina's into Florida.
  • 66:51 - 66:56
    On the march south, the Africans
    did not kill every white they encountered.
  • 66:56 - 67:02
    They spared Mr. Wallace, an innkeeper
    they knew to be kind to his slaves
  • 67:02 - 67:06
    but before the day ended
    they had killed more than 20 people.
  • 67:08 - 67:12
    As other slaves joined them,
    they became an army of almost a hundred,
  • 67:13 - 67:18
    camped at the Edisto River, waiting
    for others to gather under their flag.
  • 67:19 - 67:25
    The entire force of English North America
    was going to come down
  • 67:26 - 67:31
    because this was an issue
    not mainly for those in South Carolina
  • 67:31 - 67:33
    immediately surrounding this area.
  • 67:33 - 67:37
    This was an issue for every
    European colonists
  • 67:37 - 67:41
    everywhere in the colonies
    to quash this
  • 67:42 - 67:45
    and to provide some exemplary punishment.
  • 67:48 - 67:52
    Around noon the nearest
    white settlers were alerted.
  • 67:53 - 67:56
    By four in the afternoon,
    they caught up with the Negroes
  • 67:56 - 67:59
    along the Edisto River
    and fired upon.
  • 68:00 - 68:04
    Eyewitnesses recorded
    that the rebels fought boldly
  • 68:04 - 68:08
    but at least 14 were killed or wounded
    in the first attack.
  • 68:09 - 68:13
    Others were surrounded, questioned
    and then shot.
  • 68:17 - 68:19
    The armed colonists then turned
    toward Charleston
  • 68:20 - 68:25
    and on mile post along the way
    they left the heads of the executed men.
  • 68:30 - 68:33
    Just the way the war transforms people
  • 68:34 - 68:39
    this terrible transformation
    into race slavery
  • 68:40 - 68:44
    had changed people
    by the middle of the 18th century.
  • 68:44 - 68:50
    So, the violence you see at Stono
    is a violence that had become
  • 68:51 - 68:57
    pervasive in the culture
    by the middle of the 18th century.
  • 68:58 - 69:02
    This had become a way of life
    in the English colonies.
  • 69:03 - 69:06
    Stono was sort of the beginning
    of the concept
  • 69:06 - 69:11
    that the black population
    had to be utterly controlled
  • 69:11 - 69:15
    and the legislation that came out
    of Stono, the Negro Act,
  • 69:15 - 69:20
    took away whatever liberties
    the Africans had:
  • 69:22 - 69:24
    freedom of movement,
  • 69:24 - 69:25
    freedom of assembly,
  • 69:25 - 69:27
    to earn money,
  • 69:27 - 69:28
    to learn to read,
  • 69:29 - 69:30
    all were outlawed.
  • 69:31 - 69:35
    South Carolina imposed duties
    on all slave importations
  • 69:36 - 69:38
    and encouraged European immigration
  • 69:38 - 69:43
    in order to change the ratio
    of whites to blacks.
  • 69:44 - 69:48
    The Negro Act became
    the model for slave laws
  • 69:48 - 69:51
    throughout the mainland
    of British America.
  • 70:05 - 70:08
    "Why do you use
    those instruments of torture?
  • 70:11 - 70:15
    "Are they not fit to be applied
    by one rational being to another?
  • 70:15 - 70:19
    "And are you not struck with shame
    and mortification
  • 70:19 - 70:23
    "to see the particles of your nature
    reduced so low?
  • 70:25 - 70:30
    "But above all, are there no dangers
    attending this mode of treatment?
  • 70:31 - 70:34
    "Are you not ??? and dread
    of an insurrection?"
  • 70:35 - 70:37
    — Olaudah Equiano.
  • 70:51 - 70:54
    News of the rebellion traveled
    quickly to New York,
  • 70:54 - 70:57
    now the third largest city
    in British America.
  • 70:58 - 71:01
    Most of Manhattan island
    was unbroken wilderness
  • 71:01 - 71:06
    crossed by streams emptying
    into both the Hudson and East rivers.
  • 71:08 - 71:12
    By 1740, except for Charleston,
    South Carolina,
  • 71:12 - 71:17
    no city in colonial America
    had so high density of slave population.
  • 71:17 - 71:18
    as New York.
  • 71:20 - 71:24
    Crowded into the southern tip
    of the island lived 11 000 people
  • 71:25 - 71:27
    of which more than 2000 were black.
  • 71:28 - 71:31
    There was really an illusion of intimacy
  • 71:31 - 71:35
    between enslaved blacks
    and their white slave owners
  • 71:35 - 71:36
    who lived under the same roof.
  • 71:36 - 71:40
    These people could not trust
    one another.
  • 71:40 - 71:46
    In fact, the slave owners considered
    enslaved blacks domestic enemies.
  • 71:56 - 71:59
    "New York, November 18th 1731.
  • 72:00 - 72:06
    "Be it ordained by the authority of this city
    that all Negro, Mullato or Indian slaves
  • 72:06 - 72:09
    "that shall die within this city
    be buried by daylight.
  • 72:11 - 72:14
    "And for the prevention of great numbers
    of slaves assembling
  • 72:14 - 72:16
    "and meeting together at their funerals
  • 72:16 - 72:19
    "under pretext whereof they have great
    opportunities of plotting
  • 72:19 - 72:22
    "and confederating together to do mischief
  • 72:22 - 72:25
    "be it further ordained
    that not above twelve slaves
  • 72:25 - 72:28
    "shall assemble or meet together
    at the funeral".
  • 72:28 - 72:31
    — Minutes of the Common Council
    of New York
  • 72:45 - 72:49
    There were probably a lot of other issues
    going on in New York city at that time
  • 72:49 - 72:51
    that made whites suspicious of blacks.
  • 72:52 - 72:56
    There was among the lower classes
    of blacks and whites
  • 72:56 - 72:58
    a lot of racial amalgamation.
  • 72:58 - 73:02
    There was a lot of activity
    in the grog shops
  • 73:02 - 73:06
    between blacks and whites,
    blacks frequenting taverns.
  • 73:06 - 73:10
    New York city was a cosmopolitan place
  • 73:10 - 73:14
    with people from various
    ethnic groups converging,
  • 73:14 - 73:15
    lots of seamen,
  • 73:15 - 73:18
    and blacks were very much a part of that.
  • 73:18 - 73:21
    In taverns, black men illegally gathered,
  • 73:21 - 73:24
    drank and mingled
    with white New York residents.
  • 73:25 - 73:29
    Many enslaved men in New York
    were hired out by their masters.
  • 73:29 - 73:34
    They had relative freedom of movement
    and control over their own time.
  • 73:35 - 73:39
    The Afro-American adult male
    is seen as the most troublesome,
  • 73:39 - 73:42
    the most intractable,
    the most rebellious.
  • 73:42 - 73:45
    Those are the persons
    who are growing in the population.
  • 73:45 - 73:48
    By law, they are not supposed
    to be out after sunset,
  • 73:49 - 73:53
    by law they are not supposed
    to have any currency of their own,
  • 73:53 - 73:56
    by law they are not supposed
    to go and gather
  • 73:56 - 73:58
    in numbers of three or greater,
  • 73:58 - 74:00
    by law they are not supposed
    to be out drinking.
  • 74:00 - 74:03
    Yet every night they are out
    doing all of these things.
  • 74:03 - 74:07
    They have developed in colonial
    New York city, a lively street life
  • 74:07 - 74:09
    amongst black men.
  • 74:09 - 74:11
    And enslaved and free,
  • 74:12 - 74:18
    these black men organized
    into clubs or gangs
  • 74:19 - 74:24
    and they were a constant presence
    on the streets.
  • 74:24 - 74:28
    They even gathered at night,
    at the docks or in taverns,
  • 74:29 - 74:31
    and they present
  • 74:31 - 74:34
    — according to the English authorities
    and anxious white residents —
  • 74:34 - 74:36
    a public threat.
  • 74:42 - 74:48
    On March 18th 1741,
    a fire broke out at Fort George,
  • 74:48 - 74:50
    the governor's official residence.
  • 74:51 - 74:54
    Whipped by violent winds, it burned
  • 74:54 - 74:57
    until a rain shower cooled the blaze,
  • 74:57 - 74:59
    keeping it from torching the entire city.
  • 75:01 - 75:04
    A week later, another fire broke out,
  • 75:04 - 75:08
    and then, in the next three weeks,
    fires raged.
  • 75:12 - 75:14
    Then, as this rash occurs,
  • 75:14 - 75:19
    a sense that there is some
    evil hand behind this develops.
  • 75:21 - 75:23
    And then people begin
    to see a black hand.
  • 75:24 - 75:28
    They begin to worry that slaves
    are behind this,
  • 75:28 - 75:30
    that this is some act of vengeance,
  • 75:30 - 75:34
    that this is some prelude to rebellion.
  • 75:34 - 75:39
    In 1741, England was now
    at war with Spain
  • 75:40 - 75:44
    and many of the colonial authorities
    in New York city
  • 75:44 - 75:49
    feared that the enslaved blacks
    would have been influenced
  • 75:50 - 75:53
    by a promise from Spain of freedom.
  • 75:53 - 75:57
    It was the English authorities
    who claimed that they had discovered
  • 75:57 - 76:03
    a combination between enslaved blacks
    and the lower orders of white town dwellers
  • 76:04 - 76:06
    transients and vagabonds
  • 76:06 - 76:09
    to destroy the town,
    to burn it to the ground
  • 76:09 - 76:13
    and to set up a black or negro regime
  • 76:13 - 76:15
    that would all allegiance to Spain.
  • 76:17 - 76:19
    Just 30 years earlier in New York,
  • 76:19 - 76:24
    fire had been instrumental
    in the Negro plot of 1712,
  • 76:24 - 76:28
    where nine whites were killed
    and five were seriously wounded.
  • 76:28 - 76:33
    Now the city's officials did not waste
    any time finding an explanation
  • 76:33 - 76:36
    for the mysterious events.
  • 76:37 - 76:39
    A general dragnet goes out
  • 76:39 - 76:45
    and just about every African-American
    male over 16 years of age
  • 76:45 - 76:50
    is taken up and put in jail
    crowded under the City Hall.
  • 76:53 - 76:56
    The court used the testimony
    of Mary Burton,
  • 76:56 - 76:59
    a 16-year old indentured servant,
  • 76:59 - 77:01
    to accuse the alleged conspirators.
  • 77:02 - 77:05
    Burton worked at a tavern
    in a brothel in the city,
  • 77:05 - 77:08
    a business that regularly
    served black customers.
  • 77:10 - 77:14
    Promised her freedom from servitude,
    Mary Burton started implicating
  • 77:14 - 77:17
    a constant stream of men and women,
  • 77:17 - 77:21
    some white, but most young black men.
  • 77:22 - 77:25
    For close to four months
    black men were dragged into court
  • 77:25 - 77:27
    off New York streets.
  • 77:30 - 77:36
    New Yorkers are so incensed over
    what they conceive of as a conspiracy
  • 77:36 - 77:39
    that they create this wave of paranoia
  • 77:40 - 77:43
    that leads to incredible murders
    and incredible punishments.
  • 77:44 - 77:50
    It speaks to the whole entrenchment
    of slavery, even in the north,
  • 77:50 - 77:53
    and also it speaks
    to racial attitudes as well
  • 77:53 - 77:59
    that they are very much afraid
    of racial egalitarianism
  • 78:00 - 78:05
    and people in the lower echelons
    of their society coming together
  • 78:06 - 78:08
    to form any kind of bond.
  • 78:13 - 78:16
    In May, New Yorkers witnessed
    the public execution
  • 78:16 - 78:18
    of Ceaser and Prince,
  • 78:18 - 78:23
    two black men accused of participating
    in a robbery connected to the fires.
  • 78:24 - 78:28
    Caesar's corpse was then hung in chains
    until it decomposed.
  • 78:34 - 78:37
    "From the spring of 1741
    through the following winter
  • 78:37 - 78:40
    "and into the spring of 1742,
  • 78:41 - 78:44
    "some 160 slaves and
    at least a dozen whites
  • 78:45 - 78:48
    "were accused of conspiracy
    against the city of New York.
  • 78:49 - 78:53
    "31 Africans were put to death,
    13 of them burned at the stake
  • 78:54 - 78:56
    "and four whites were hung".
  • 79:25 - 79:28
    "23 June, 1741,
  • 79:29 - 79:34
    "To Dr. Cadwallader Colden
    Governor's Council Province of New York.
  • 79:35 - 79:41
    "Sir, the horrible executions
    among you puts me in mind
  • 79:41 - 79:45
    "of our New England witchcraft
    in the year of 1692.
  • 79:47 - 79:50
    "I am hungry of the opinion
    that such confessions
  • 79:50 - 79:51
    "are not worth a straw
  • 79:51 - 79:56
    "for many times they are obtained
    by foul means, by force or torment
  • 79:58 - 80:03
    "or in hopes of a longer time to live
    or to die an easier death.
  • 80:04 - 80:08
    "I entreat you not to go on
    making bonfires of the Negroes
  • 80:08 - 80:12
    "and loading yourselves
    with greater guilt than theirs.
  • 80:13 - 80:17
    "For we have too much reason
    to fear that the divine vengeance
  • 80:17 - 80:21
    "does and will pursue us
    for our ill treatment
  • 80:21 - 80:25
    "to the bodies and the souls
    of our poor slaves".
  • 80:26 - 80:29
    — anonymous letter from Massachusetts.
  • 80:42 - 80:45
    The encroachment of slavery
    in American society
  • 80:45 - 80:47
    that began in Virginia
  • 80:47 - 80:52
    culminated in 1750 with the decision
    to legalize slavery in Georgia,
  • 80:52 - 80:54
    the last free colony.
  • 80:55 - 80:57
    It had been a little over 100 years
  • 80:57 - 81:00
    since Anthony Johnson
    first arrived in Virginia.
  • 81:00 - 81:04
    Now slavery existed everywhere
    in the 13 colonies.
  • 81:05 - 81:09
    But the argument over who would be free
    and who would be equal
  • 81:09 - 81:10
    had just begun.
  • 81:11 - 81:12
    For generations to come
  • 81:12 - 81:17
    slavery would continue
    to trouble the soul of America.
  • 81:19 - 81:24
    "When you make men slaves
    you deprive them of half their virtue
  • 81:24 - 81:30
    "you set them in your own conduct
    and example of fraud and cruelty
  • 81:30 - 81:34
    "and compel them to live with you
    in a state of war".
  • 81:35 - 81:40
    — Olaudah Equiano, enslaved African.
Title:
Journey through Slavery ep 1/4 — Terrible Transformation
Description:

Documentary that examines the transatlantic slave trade which took place across the Atlantic Ocean from the 16th through to the 19th centuries. The transatlantic slave trade was responsible for one of the largest forced human migrations in record history.

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Video Language:
English
Duration:
01:22:50

English subtitles

Revisions