Crucible of Empire: The Spanish American War

Major funding for “Crucible of Empire”

was provided by the Corporation for

Public Broadcasting.

Funding was also provided by

the National Endowment for the Humanities,

the annual financial support of viewers like you,

and the John D. and Catherine T.

MacArthur Foundation.

Walter Lafeber: McKinley did not want war.

Louis Perez: The idea of Cuban

independence had taken hold.

Walter Lafeber: On the other hand,

he wanted things that only war could give him.

Stephen Ambrose: The Spanish were not gonna

get out and they were not on the run.

Walter Lafeber: He wanted a peaceful Cuba.

He wanted U.S. control of the Caribbean.

He wanted a naval base in the

Spanish colony of the Philippines.

[♪ McKinley called for volunteers,

then I got my gun,

For Spaniard I saw coming,

I shot him on the run,

It was all about that battleship of Maine]

Theodore Roosevelt: I should welcome almost any war

for I think this country needs one.

John Gable: Assistant Secretary of the

Navy Roosevelt thought that a war with

Spain over Cuba would make us a world power.

[♪ At war with that great nation, Spain.

When I get through with Spain,

I will have honored my name.

It was all about that battleship of Maine]

Franklin Knight: The Americans always felt

that deep in his heart the Cuban wanted

to be a part of the United States.

Ricardo Jose: The Filipinos had been led to

believe that the Americans were their liberators.

But when the soldiers came in,

then the Filipinos became suspicious

of American motives.

[♪ It was all about that battleship of Maine]

[♪ Piano playing]

[♪ Singing in a trolley car,

what a jolly crowd they are,

Jenny Long sings a song,

Johnny Ray plays the guitar]

Narrator: 1890s America—the nation headed full speed into a new industrial age.

At the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago,

millions gathered to celebrate the innovations that powered American productivity:

incandescent lights; efficient farming methods; modern railways; a faster printing press.

Visitors could even taste the promise of the next century.

Cracker Jacks, diet soda, and the hamburger made their American debut.

Grover Cleveland: I cherish the thought

that America stands on the threshold of a great awakening.

The impulse with which this Phantom City

could rise in our midst is proof that the spirit is with us.

President Grover Cleveland, Opening Day, May 1st, 1893.

Narrator: Only a few days after the Fair opened,

the nation was hit by the worst financial crisis in its history.

Stocks plummeted, businesses went bankrupt,

and millions of Americans lost their jobs.

In a lecture at the Exposition,

the young historian Frederick Jackson Turner

suggested that the solution for the United States could be found beyond its borders.

Frederick Jackson Turner: The colonization of the Great West

did indeed furnish a new field of opportunity.

But never again will such gifts of free lands offer themselves.

The frontier has gone,

and with its going has closed the first period of American history.

Stephen Ambrose: With the frontier gone there was something akin to a panic among people.

“Jeez, if American institutions can’t expand, they’re gonna shrink.”

We had to find some new outlet for our energy,

for our dynamic nature, for this coiled spring that was the United States.

So there was a intellectual justification,

rationalization’d be a better way to put it,

for “Let’s get our power overseas.”

Walter Lafeber: At the same time, there was an imperial race taking off in the world.

Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany and a new Japan,

that was just emerging as a world power at this time,

were all ah, engaged in--in colonial enterprises.

Narrator: Spain once ruled a great global empire.

It encompassed most of Central and South America,

and a large portion of North America.

As civil wars crippled Spanish authority,

many colonies broke free.

In the 1890s, all that remained of Spain’s possessions

were Cuba and Puerto Rico,

and in the Pacific, the Philippines, Guam, and a few scattered islands.

Douglas Brinkley: By the 1890s, Spain was considered very low

in the estimation of many, many Americans.

Spaniards had been looming around our country through our formation years,

and somehow we always felt a threat from them.

They were not part of the either the Anglo-Saxon culture or French culture.

And so we always saw Spain as being almost,

ah, a sub-human European peoples.

Narrator: Through most of the nineteenth century,

Spain’s dwindling colonial revenue flowed from Cuba’s sugar and slave trade.

U.S. politicians since John Quincy Adams had eyed Spain’s prized possession.

John Quincy Adams: If an apple, severed by a tempest from its native tree,

cannot choose but fall to the ground,

Cuba, forcibly disjoined from Spain,

can gravitate only towards the North American Union.

[♪ “I’ll See You in C-U-B-A”

I’m on my way to Cuba, that’s where I’m going.

Cuba, that’s where I’ll stay.]

Narrator: In 1868, Cuban sugar planters, oppressed by increasing Spanish taxes,

took up arms to win their independence.

They seized much of eastern Cuba,

freeing the slaves and destroying the sugar mills that had profited Spain.

The commander of the rebel army was General Máximo Gómez.

Franklin Knight: Máximo Gómez was born in the Dominican Republic

and he came to Cuba as a Spanish soldier.

That is the irony of the situation,

because as soon as he arrived in Cuba he defected

and started organizing the Cubans.

He tried to get them to use tactics and to train,

things which were novel to the insurgents at the time.

Narrator: The revolt known as the Ten Years War failed to win the Cubans their independence.

But the struggle for “Cuba Libre”—a free Cuba—

continued as Spanish promises for reform were never fulfilled.

Gómez withdrew to his native Dominican Republic,

leaving the Spanish with a depressed sugar industry.

Spain could not afford to lend money to Cuban planters.

Many turned to the United States.

[♪ Way down in Cuba where skies are clear,

Where it is summertime all of the year.]

Narrator: Through 1895, as Americans visited and invested in Cuba,

Cubans moved to the United States to study and work.

Louis Perez: It is in these years that we see the first significant Cuban immigration,

setting up first in Florida and then in New York City,

ah, in Philadelphia, in Boston and Washington.

This period is critical to the formation of Cuban national identity,

the—the means by which Cubans begin to articulate the discontent,

ah, their—um, their, ah, angst with the Spanish colonial system.

Narrator: Baseball soon became a national obsession in Cuba.

The North American sport

provided a welcome alternative to traditional Spanish entertainment.

Louis Perez: And so we have this counterpoint, on one hand,

between baseball and bullfighting.

And bullfighting represents the colonial regime.

It’s—it’s bloody. It’s individual. It’s singular.

It seems to attract into the Havana bullring mostly the Spaniards.

To—to play baseball is to be modern, to be, to be progressive.

It is not to be Spanish.

Coincidentally, some of the most important leaders of the Cuban insurrectionary

movement are ballplayers who leave the ball field to take to the field of armed struggle.

Narrator: The revolution began anew in 1895

under the visionary leadership of José Martí.

A Cuban poet and journalist living in New York,

Martí visited Cuban communities across the United States

to promote and raise funds for Cuban independence.

His ideas reshaped “Cuba Libre.”

Franklin Knight: Martí realizes that the weakness of the previous attempt

at independence was that Cuba was not united.

It was divided by class. It was divided by race.

And so he decides to mobilize the exile community

and to tell them that the cause of Cuba is one of all Cubans, wherever they are.

José Martí: Either the republic is founded upon

the integral character of every one of its sons,

or the republic is not worth one of our mothers’ tears

or a single drop of our heroes’ blood.

Will we fear the Negro?

The black man has drawn his noble body to its full height

and is becoming a solid column for his native liberties.

Others may fear him; I love him. José Martí.

Ada Ferrer: He basically argues that black Cubans and white Cubans had come together,

that going back to the Ten Years War their blood had joined in the fields of battle,

and that because of that history,

race had been superseded, it had been transcended,

it no longer divided Cubans,

which, for the 1890s, it’s a remarkable statement.

[♪ “Cuban March (Viva Cuba Libre)”]

Narrator: In April 1895,

Martí joined sixty-year-old General Máximo Gómez in the Dominican Republic.

They hitched a ride aboard a German banana boat,

then rowed to the rocky shores of Southeast Cuba to lead the rebellion.

The travelers hacked their way through dense jungle

to make contact with insurgent forces.

Máximo Gómez: Martí was radiant with pride and satisfaction

because he was able to hold his own in all this with five rugged men.

General Máximo Gómez.

Narrator: A month later, despite warnings from General Gómez,

Martí rode ahead of his troops and was killed in his first battle.

Cuban insurgents gathered strength from his martyrdom.

They reclaimed the eastern provinces

that they had occupied during the Ten Years’ War.

Gómez now knew that the insurrection against Spain would only succeed

if taken to Cuba’s wealthiest provinces.

Gómez pushed westward—his objective, Havana.

Máximo Gómez: All plantations shall be totally destroyed,

their cane and outbuildings burned.

Laborers who shall aid the sugar factories shall be considered traitors to their country

and shall be shot. General Máximo Gómez.

Narrator: A new Spanish colonial governor, general Valeriano Weyler,

was sent to Havana to stop General Gómez.

Weyler faced a rebel army

that operated with the support of peasant farmers.

He forcibly re-concentrated the rural population.

Ada Ferrer: The aim of the policy is to gather people

not involved in the army who are living in the countryside

and put them into towns,

where their services would not be available to the Cuban rebels.

A lot of people go into these towns

and the towns are notoriously like concentration camps.

Nobody really knows how many people died,

but they range from tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands.

Narrator: Images of Weyler’s camps were supplied to U.S. newspapers

by rebel sympathizers in New York.

George O'Toole: Americans needed somebody to personify the perfidious uh—Spanish

and uh—they couldn’t look to the King of Spain at this time, Alfonso XIII,

because he was a 14-year-old kid.

His mother, who was the Queen Regent,

was an Austrian princess, not very Spanish.

But here was this, uh, Weyler.

David Nasaw: General Weyler was the perfect villain.

He was portrayed brutally in cartoons and editorials

and news stories as a savage inhumane brute,

as the most bloodthirsty butcher that had ever entered this hemisphere.

New York Journal: Weyler is a fiendish despot,

a brute, a devastator of haciendas, pitiless, cold, an exterminator of men.

There is nothing to prevent his carnal brain

from inventing torture and infamies of bloody debauchery.

The New York Journal, February 1896.

Narrator: The Journal’s new editor was William Randolph Hearst,

the thirty-three-year-old son of a successful California gold-miner.

Hearst had purchased the failing Journal in 1895.

He quickly made it the most influential newspaper in New York.

David Nasaw: Everyone expected he would be just another rich man’s son.

He was a rich man’s son.

He was also one of the most brilliant newspapermen this country has ever seen.

I think Hearst truly, truly believed that he could establish himself

as a power not only in New York and in journalistic circles,

but maybe nationally,

if he could play the Cuba story the way he wanted to play it.

Douglas Brinkley: I think Hearst took up the Cuban independence movement

as a jingoistic way to bring America together.

We were a nation in that period that was at each other’s throats.

North was still angry at South.

Populist farmers didn’t like East Coast bankers.

We had economic depression which created a panic.

And Hearst saw that the way to pull everybody together was with some war.

Stephen Ambrose: You go to war, pulls the country together

and it gets everybody fascinated.

We all glue to the tube nowadays to watch CNN if the war is coming on.

Well, they got the – the Hearst papers.

Narrator: U.S. businessmen saw war as a threat to their investments in Cuba

and to economic recovery at home.

Their concerns were shared by Republican president-elect William McKinley.

As Governor of Ohio, McKinley had pushed for a stronger tariff

to restore the nation’s prosperity.

He declared his stance on Cuba in his 1897 inaugural address.

William McKinley: We must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression.

War should never be entered upon

until every agency of peace has failed.

Narrator: McKinley served as a nineteen-year-old sergeant during the Battle of Antietam in 1862.

H. W. Brands: He was the last American President to have served in the Civil War,

and he knew what war was like.

At one point he said, “I’ve been through one war.

I’ve seen the bodies stacked like cord wood,

and I don’t want to go through that sort of thing again.”

Theodore Roosevelt: I should welcome almost any war

for I think this country needs one.

If we lose our virile, manly qualities,

and sink into a nation of mere hucksters

then we shall indeed reach a condition worse than that of the ancient civilizations

in the years of their decay.

Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt.

Narrator: From his boxing days at Harvard

to his term as New York City’s police commissioner,

Theodore Roosevelt was a fighter.

Unlike President McKinley, Roosevelt advocated a war with Spain.

H. W. Brands: I think this reflected the fact

that Roosevelt’s generation had not fought a war.

It – the generation of its parents had fought the Civil War

and demonstrated its bravery and its valor then.

Roosevelt’s generation still had to prove its worth.

Stephen Ambrose: It’s something that I feel myself.

I was born in 1935 and I grew up listening to World War II stories

and I feel cheated that I wasn’t a part of that.

And so there was a feeling of,

“It’s our turn. We want to get out there and be heroes.”

Narrator: Assistant Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt

was a tremendous admirer of Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan,

the President of the Naval War College.

Mahan’s books and articles pushed for a stronger navy.

Alfred Thayer Mahan: As a nation launches forth,

the need is soon felt for a foothold in a foreign land,

a new outlet for what it has to sell, a new sphere for its shipping.

The ships that thus sail must have secure ports

and the protection of a navy.

[♪“Brass Buttons (or the Naval Cadet)”

Now his cap with a peak is as glossy and sleek as a cap could ever be,

And it sits on his hair with the jauntiful air of a naval nicety.

And his collar so tight and his trousers of white and the shoes that rival glass,

He’s a chap so smart that he breaks the heart of the town and country lass.]

Narrator: Congress authorized funds to modernize the navy,

which had hardly been updated since the Civil War.

Douglas Brinkley: The idea was “Our navy’s an antiquated joke.

We’ve got to do something about it.”

And the “something” was the Industrial Revolution, steel.

Cities like Pittsburgh and Chicago had steel and to make,

if not the largest navy in the world,

at least a new navy to not only defend both parts of American shore,

but to defend American economic interest around the globe.

Stephen Ambrose: The United States needed such a policy,

that we were a two-ocean country,

that we had to have a fleet that could control both oceans,

and this was going to require coaling stations and outposts out there,

and if America wanted to take her place as one of the great nations in the world,

she had to get into the imperialist race and had to acquire colonies.

And this had a tremendous appeal to young men like Theodore Roosevelt.

H. W. Brands: Theodore Roosevelt and other people in the Navy Department

understood that although the cause of war was the situation in Cuba,

the war would be against Spain.

And anything Spain could bring to bear in that war

would be something that American forces should attack.

The Spanish fleet was located in the Philippines.

The Philippines had harbors that were worthwhile,

the Philippines commanded the water routes between China and Southeast Asia.

So to the few people, the Philippines meant something.

[♪ “The Belle of Manila”

For she’s a belle of all Manila, my Filipina queen.

She’s won me with the brightness of her smile.]

Narrator: Spain had ruled the Philippines since the early 1500s.

While over a thousand islands in the Philippines were inhabited,

the capital of Manila dominated culture and commerce.

Sugar, hemp, and tobacco were shipped through Manila to the markets of China.

But unlike Cuba, whose sugar industry created great wealth for Spain,

the Philippines produced little revenue.

Spanish missionaries forced the Filipinos to convert to Catholicism

and collected taxes on their most fertile lands.

Filipinos who pressed for reforms ended up in dungeons or executed.

Under the flag of the Katipunan, or “Society of the Sons of the People,”

20,000 Filipinos staged an uprising in 1896.

Ricardo Jose: They had had too much of Spanish oppression,

too much of Spanish control,

and they had lost virtually their rights and they were living as second-class citizens.

And, therefore, Filipinos who had held sporadic revolts before 1896,

culminated and got together to launch a

major nationwide revolution against the Spaniards.

Narrator: Twenty-seven-year-old Emilio Aguinaldo,

the son of a wealthy landowner,

rose through the ranks of the revolutionary movement.

Aguinaldo became president of the Katipunan in the spring of 1897.

Emilio Aguinaldo: Filipino citizens!

Let us follow the example of European and American nations.

Let us march under the Flag of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity!

Narrator: With two-hundred thousand troops fighting in Cuba,

Spain could not afford a war in the Philippines.

Spanish officials approached Aguinaldo with a bid for peace.

Cesar Virata: And one of the conditions was for the revolutionaries,

ah, the leadership anyway, to be exiled to Hong Kong

and to be paid a sum of money.

And then certain reforms should be instituted in the Philippines.

Narrator: Though Aguinaldo did not believe

that the Spanish would implement the reforms,

he needed the money for food and supplies.

Aguinaldo agreed to embark for Hong Kong.

There he would purchase arms for shipment back to the Philippines.

H. W. Brands: To the extent that Americans knew

that there was an insurgency in the Philippines,

there was a vague sympathy in support.

Americans have been at least rhetorically supportive of anti-colonialist,

anti-imperial movements from the time of the American Revolution.

Compared to the insurgency in Cuba

which Americans knew all about,

the Philippines were really a blank spot in the American public’s perception.

[♪ “On the Shores of Havana, Far Away”]

Narrator: Through 1897,

the New York newspapers portrayed Cuba as a damsel in distress,

Uncle Sam as her gallant savior,

and Spain as the villain in an intriguing romance of war.

And every romance has its troubadour.

Hearst’s was Richard Harding Davis.

David Nasaw: Richard Harding Davis was a brilliant writer,

but, more than that, he was an incredible character.

Hearst paid him three thousand dollars a month plus expenses,

which was absolutely phenomenal.

Narrator: As the international correspondent for Harper’s Weekly,

Davis had journeyed through the Middle East and Central America.

For the New York Journal,

Davis cabled back stories from Cuba that flared his readers’ imaginations.

One story described the young Adolfo Rodriguez,

sentenced to die for joining the Cuban rebellion.

Richard Harding Davis: The officer of the firing squad whipped up his sword;

the men leveled their rifles;

the sword dropped; and the men fired.

The Cuban sank on his side without a struggle or sound, and did not move again.

At that moment the sun shot up suddenly from behind them

and the whole world seemed to wake to welcome the day.

But the figure of the young Cuban was asleep in the wet grass,

his arms still tightly bound behind him,

and the blood from his breast sinking into the soil that he had tried to free.

Richard Harding Davis.

Narrator: President McKinley read a dozen newspapers a day.

Like millions of Americans,

he was touched by Hearst’s portrayal of Evangelina Cisneros,

a convent-educated, Cuban teenager,

imprisoned by the Spanish in Havana.

David Nasaw: Hearst set up a international campaign

to get prominent women all over the world

to send telegrams to Spain demanding the release of Ms. Cisneros.

Kristin Hoganson: Julia Ward Howe, the author of “The Battle Hymn of Republic,”

wrote an impassioned letter to the Pope.

Julia Ward Howe: We implore you, Holy Father,

to induce the Spanish government

to abstain from this act of military vengeance.

Kristin Hoganson: President McKinley’s mother added her name to the cause.

All this continued to sell newspapers,

but it didn’t affect Cisneros’ release.

She continued to languish in this Cuban prison.

Joyce Milton: They arranged an escape attempt.

This was done by William Randolph Hearst,

who got a hunk of a man named Karl Decker to arrange this escape.

And, uh, he rented the house next door

and put a plank across to the window of the prison where she was

and walked across and broke in that way and rescued her.

Karl Decker: She reached out her hands to us with many little, glad cries,

rippling out in whispered Spanish benedictions for our efforts to save her.

David Nasaw: They brought her out of Cuba,

sailed her triumphantly into New York Harbor,

and Hearst arranged one of the most triumphant series of events.

She was feted at balls at the Waldorf,

dinners at Delmonico,

brought to Washington in the company of William Randolph Hearst.

Evangelina Cisneros: I thought over what I would say to the President,

that the women and children of Cuba

must look to the great United States for protection.

Then he came in.

My poor speech for Cuba was forgotten;

but I looked into the kind face of the President

and what I thought I saw there made me content.

Evangelina Cisneros.

Kristin Hoganson: American men had rescued one Cuban woman

and the question that now faced the nation

was when would the United States free Cuba?

Narrator: President McKinley appealed to the Spanish government

to restore peace in Cuba and reviewed his military options.

He invited Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt

on a carriage ride through Washington.

George O'Toole: McKinley had been very reluctant to appoint Roosevelt

because he knew that Roosevelt was a hawk,

and was possibly likely to get us involved in a war.

But Roosevelt took the opportunity to convey the fact

that the U.S. Navy was very well-prepared

if they had to fight Spain over Cuba.

Theodore Roosevelt: I urged getting our main fleet on the Cuban coast

after war is declared and at the same time

throwing an expeditionary force into Cuba.

I doubted if the war would last six weeks.

Meanwhile, our Asiatic Squadron should blockade,

and if possible, take Manila.

Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt.

Narrator: Two weeks later,

the Spanish responded to President McKinley’s demand for peace

with what he considered significant concessions.

Franklin Knight: They do offer that if the Cubans will end the war

they will get the same political status of associated free state

within the empire that Puerto Rico had.

That is, they would have their own government.

Narrator: But limited autonomy was unacceptable to Cuban insurgents.

General Calixto García, Gómez’s second-in-command,

rallied his troops to keep up the fight.

Calixto García: I regard autonomy only as a sign of Spain’s weakening power

and an indication that the end is not far off.

Louis Perez: The Cubans were, indeed, within striking distance of defeating Spain.

The Cubans almost controlled the entire countryside,

certainly in the eastern end of the island and significant pockets of western Cuba.

Spanish have now retreated from the small towns

to the larger provincial cities and the coastal points.

One more rainy season,

one more summer campaign,

would be enough to expel the Spanish from the island.

Stephen Ambrose: My own view is that the Spanish were not gonna get out

and they were not on the run.

The Cuban revolution had been going on since 1868.

This is 30 years later, and they don’t appear

to have been any closer to achieving the goal

of getting the Spanish to march out of Havana

and get on ships and go on home and say,

“You guys figure out how you want to run your lives.

We’re outta here.”

Spain was not even close to that.

Spanish Officers: Long live Weyler! Down with autonomy!

Narrator: Spanish officers in Havana

balked at their government’s willingness to negotiate.

In January 1898, they took to the streets.

Maria Cristina: I believe that my government will reduce Army officers to obedience.

I want your President to keep America from helping the rebellion

until the new plan of autonomy has had a fair chance.

Maria Cristina, Queen Regent of Spain.

Narrator: On January 24th, President McKinley ordered the battleship Maine

to Havana to protect U.S. interests on the island.

Spain’s ambassador to Washington, Enrique Dupuy de Lôme,

was unimpressed with McKinley.

A letter Dupuy de Lôme had written to a friend in Havana

was intercepted by Cuban revolutionaries

and offered to the New York Herald.

Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: McKinley is weak and catering to the rabble,

and, besides a low politician who desires to leave a door open

to the jingoes of his party.

Davis Nasaw: The New York Herald needed a day,

at least, to authenticate the letter.

The Cubans said, “You don’t have a day.”

They took it to Hearst.

Hearst published it immediately,

with huge, huge headlines,

“Greatest Insult Ever to America: Spanish Insult Our President.”

And the Hearst papers now demanded,

and other papers as well, that war was the only recourse.

[♪ “Before the Maine Went Down”

Before the Maine went down,

mothers and matrons and sweethearts,

In hamlet and village and town,

prayed for and wrote to their darlings,

Before the Maine went down.]

Narrator: On February 15th, 1898,

the Maine had been moored for three weeks in Havana harbor without incident.

The crew was anxious to return to the United States.

George O'Toole: And Captain Sigsbee, who was the Commander of the Maine,

recalled that the--the marine sergeant who played “Taps” on the bugle

was--was achieving some very elaborate flourishes with it that night.

But the sense was tranquillity, peaceful.

Narrator: As sailors aboard the Maine began falling asleep,

an explosion rocked the front end of the ship.

At eleven p.m., Captain Sigsbee wired Washington.

Charles Sigsbee: Maine blown up in Havana Harbor at 9:40 tonight and destroyed.

Many wounded and doubtless more killed or drowned.

Narrator: The explosion aboard the Maine killed 266 U.S. sailors.

The dead would be given a hero’s burial in Arlington National Cemetery.

The McKinley administration appointed a naval committee

to investigate the cause of the tragedy.

Many Americans had already made up their minds.

David Nasaw: Hearst and the other papers blamed the Spanish

for mining the ship and blowing it up.

There was some evidence that that had happened,

but whether that evidence was overwhelming or not,

this was going to lead to the war that Hearst wanted in Cuba.

Narrator: Hearst’s Journal proposed a regiment of athletes

that would overawe the Spanish army with their mere physical presence.

The New York World reported that an army of Indians

under Buffalo Bill Cody would clear Spain out of Cuba in sixty days.

Jesse James’ brother Frank volunteered to lead a company of cowboys.

David Nasaw: Every day brought new editorials

claiming that the Americans had no choice now but to go to war,

not only to avenge the Maine,

but to save the Cubans from the treachery,

the butchery of Spanish colonization.

Louis Perez: People were supporting independence,

were defending Cuban independence,

were buying bonds for Cuban independence.

The church pulpits, ah, in this country had come out in favor of Cuban independence.

The proposition of freedom for the island

had now seized the public imagination.

William McKinley: I don’t propose to be swept off my feet by the catastrophe.

We must learn the truth and endeavor,

if possible, to fix the responsibility.

The Administration will go on preparing for war,

but still hoping to avert it.

President William McKinley.

Narrator: Secretary of the Navy John Long shared McKinley’s measured approach.

Long made special efforts to meet with congressmen

to discuss alternatives to war.

One afternoon in late February, Long took time off

and left Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt in charge.

Roosevelt cabled Commodore George Dewey

to gather his Asiatic Squadron in Hong Kong,

only 600 miles from the Philippine Islands.

Stephen Ambrose: That came very close

to the Assistant Secretary of the Navy making the decision that

“We’re going to take the Philippines as a part of this war against Spain,”

not necessarily against the President’s wishes,

but without the President’s knowledge.

John Gable: And so TR put it into action

because his superior didn’t want to take the initiative,

nor did the President want to take the initiative.

But when it was done, they let it stay,

which was sort of a vindication that it was the wise thing.

Narrator: President McKinley solicited from Congress

fifty million dollars for national defense.

George O'Toole: It was reported in the press

both in this country and in Spain.

And the Queen Regent was really impressed by the fact

that McKinley could get $50 million to fight Spain simply by asking for it.

Narrator: Vermont Senator Redfield Proctor,

an affluent businessman and respected legislator,

visited Cuba to evaluate the situation for himself.

Walter Lafeber: Because it was known that he was close to McKinley

ah, reporters ah, began following Proctor around

asking him what his conclusions were from his trip to Cuba.

And he refused to say anything.

By the time he was ready to speak on March 17th, 1898,

there was tremendous interest in what he’d have to say.

Redfield Proctor: I went to Cuba with a strong conviction

that the picture had been overdrawn.

What I saw I cannot tell so that others can see it.

To me, the strongest appeal is not the loss of the Maine,

but the spectacle of a million-and-a-half people,

struggling for deliverance from the worst government

of which I ever had knowledge.

Walter Lafeber: After Senator Proctor’s speech,

the business community came around.

So McKinley now had the military better prepared.

He had the Pacific fleet ready to go.

He had a united business community behind him.

And once he had those things coming together,

McKinley was changing and was moving towards war.

Narrator: The final push came on March 25th,

when the naval committee investigating the Maine explosion reported its findings.

The explosion had been caused by a submerged mine.

Though the report never fixed responsibility,

few doubted that the Spanish were to blame.

On April 11th, President McKinley addressed Congress.

William McKinley: In the name of humanity,

on behalf of endangered American interests,

I ask Congress to authorize the President

to take measures to secure a final termination of hostilities

and a stable government.

Louis Perez: Not on behalf of Cuban independence,

but basically to end two competing claims to sovereignty:

the Spanish claim to sovereignty and the Cuban claim to sovereignty.

And, by implication,

clearly establish a third claim of sovereignty by force of arms.

Narrator: Cuban rebel sympathizers in New York were enraged.

Horatio Rubens: This is nothing less than a declaration of war

by the United States against the Cuban revolutionaries.

We would resist with force of arms as bitterly

and tenaciously as we have fought the armies of Spain.

Cuban representative Horatio Rubens.

Narrator: Senator Henry Teller proposed an amendment

that would appease Cuban rebels.

Henry Teller: The United States disclaims

any intention to exercise control over Cuba,

except for pacification,

and asserts when that is accomplished to leave the island to its people.

Calixto García: It is true that they have not entered

into an accord with our government,

but they have recognized our right to be free and independent

and that is enough for me.

General Calixto García.

Narrator: On April 22nd,

President McKinley ordered Rear Admiral Sampson to blockade Havana.

Spain responded to U.S. naval maneuvers with a declaration of war.

Congress immediately followed suit.

Half-way around the world in Hong Kong,

Commodore Dewey received a dispatch from Secretary of the Navy Long.

Secretary of the Navy Long: Proceed at once to the Philippine Islands.

Commence operations against the Spanish fleet.

Use utmost endeavors.

[♪“Brave Dewey and His Men (Down at Manila Bay)”

A squadron lay at break of day with enemy in view.

Each boat and tar had sailed afar, a glorious deed to do.

At cannon’s mouth, our tars will shout, “Avenge the Maine today!”

It’s Dewey’s fleet the foe will meet down at Manila Bay.

Narrator: Just after midnight on May 1st, 1898,

Commodore Dewey’s flagship Olympia entered Manila Bay.

Dewey’s nine ships,

modernized to compete with the navies of Europe,

had yet to be tested in battle.

C. G. Calkins: Daylight came out behind Manila and revealed gray fortifications.

The binoculars showed a cluster of black hulls.

Sixteen Spanish ships were counted.

A shell soared toward our line.

The plunge of the projectile was followed by the roar of the gun.

Narrator: Commodore Dewey’s squadron

made five devastating passes at the Spanish fleet.

By noon, the Spanish had surrendered their naval base in Manila Bay.

Ten Spanish ships were destroyed.

One U.S. sailor was killed.

H. W. Brands: That American forces could win a great victory

clear on the far side of the world

rendered Dewey’s victory in the Philippines more amazing and more noteworthy.

And when the news got back to the U.S.,

Americans rejoiced as they hadn't since the Civil War.

[♪“Brave Dewwy and his men (Down at Manila Bay)"

Raise a cheer, all earth can hear, and three times three again.]

H. W. Brands: Dewey was the most famous man in the United States.

David Nasaw: The Spanish-American War was not only the war

that probably got the greatest coverage in the newspapers,

but it was also the first filmed war.

Every vaudeville theater tried to show

what were called the “actualities of the war.”

Most of them were faked.

Most of the first films of the war were shot on the roof of New York buildings

with toys boats in bathtubs

and men blowing cigar smoke to simulate the smoke of battle.

Narrator: Dewey, promoted to rear admiral,

was ordered to wait in Manila Bay for the U.S. Army.

To secure the aid of Filipino insurgents,

Dewey sent a ship from his fleet to Hong Kong to pick up Emilio Aguinaldo,

the exiled leader of the Philippine revolution.

Dewey welcomed Aguinaldo aboard his flagship in Manila Bay.

Cesar Virata: Dewey gave him the honors of a general of the, ah, revolution.

They met in the Battleship Olympia,

and I think Aguinaldo had developed the idea that

while the that Filipinos would like to be independent,

they needed the protection of the United States

because at that time you have the German interest in the area,

French interests, also United Kingdom.

Ricardo Jose: Later on, \Aguinaldo wrote in his memoirs

that Dewey made promises to support the revolution.

But there was one thing wrong,

and that was there was no written promise made.

Aguinaldo wanted to get a promise, but Dewey said,

“My word is stronger than the most strongly written statement there is.”

Maria Camagay: I think if I were going to put myself in the shoes of Aguinaldo,

being really naive,

you know, he was just a simple general in the Philippines.

So he took the word of these Americans as,

you know, accepted it as true.

Narrator: Aguinaldo returned to his family’s mansion in Kawite,

just southwest of Manila,

to devise with his generals a strategy to defeat the Spanish.

Emilio Aguinaldo: Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place

independence within our reach.

The Americans have extended their protecting mantle to our beloved country,

now that they have severed relations with Spain,

owing to the tyranny that nation is exercising in Cuba.

The American fleet will prevent any reinforcements coming from Spain.

There, where you see the American flag flying,

assemble in numbers; they are our redeemers.

[♪ “There’ll Be a Hot Time in the Old Town, To-night”]

Narrator: When President McKinley called for 200,000 volunteers,

more than a million Americans responded.

Walter Lafeber: The entire male body of Lafayette College in Pennsylvania

volunteered en masse to fight the Spanish in Cuba.

The faculty met at Cornell University had decided

that anybody who fought in the war would essentially receive credit for it,

that they would not be penalized for going off to war

instead of staying back and taking their courses.

William McKinley: There is no division in any part of the land.

North and south, east and west, all alike cheerfully respond.

From cap and campaign there comes magic healing

which has closed ancient wounds.

President William McKinley.

H. W. Brands: McKinley was fully aware of the divisiveness of the Civil War.

He also was aware of the need to include ex-Confederates in the war effort.

And so he took particular pains

to appoint veterans of the Civil War to top positions

during the Spanish-American War.

Narrator: President McKinley appointed sixty-one-year-old Confederate veteran

“Fighting Joe” Wheeler a major general of volunteers,

and 330-pound Union officer William Shafter

Commander of the Cuban invasion force.

Theodore Roosevelt resigned as Assistant Secretary of the Navy

when he received his commission to fight in Cuba.

His first call was to Brooks Brothers.

Roosevelt: One ordinary cavalry uniform,

for lieutenant colonel, with blue cravat.

John Gable: He’d advocated going into the war

and he was, ah, still a young man.

He therefore felt he had to put his body where his mouth had been

and so that he’d better live up to his own ideals.

So that’s why he resigned.

Secretary of the Navy John Davis Long wrote in his diary

that this was a big mistake

and of course Roosevelt would come out as a big war leader

if he stayed in Washington with the Navy Department

because there’d be so much focus on the Navy Department.

And, of course, if Roosevelt had been killed,

it certainly would have been a bad career move, wouldn’t it?

Narrator: Roosevelt joined the First United States Volunteer Cavalry,

nicknamed the Rough Riders.

John Gable: The Rough Rider regiment summed up a great deal about TR.

The regiment was largely composed of Northeastern aristocrats,

Ivy League athletes, and, of course, that was TR’s own background.

He was a knickerbocker aristocrat from New York City.

And then, the regiment was composed also of cowboys and Indians,

largely from the West and from the Southwest.

Now what did these guys have in common?

This. They didn’t need to learn how to shoot or to ride.

They didn’t need that training because all rich people,

you know, had guns and went hunting and had horses.

And, of course, cowboys and Indians knew how to ride and shoot.

So that’s what they had in common.

They were ready to go!

Narrator: In seven camps from Texas to Florida,

new recruits drilled for action in Cuba.

With few experienced officers to train them,

the volunteers were unprepared for what lay ahead.

Joyce Milton: There was a correspondent named Poultney Bigelow

who decided he was going to write an article

exposing how unready the American troops really were for combat.

And he did and he was ostracized for this,

ah, quite severely, ahm, and denounced as unpatriotic and so forth.

But, in private, the correspondents really understood that he was correct.

Poultney Bigelow: Here we are thirty days after the declaration of war,

and not one regiment is yet equipped with uniforms suitable for hot weather.

Troops sweat day and night in their cowhide boots,

thick flannel shirts, and winter trousers.

The poor men have to sleep on the ground in the heavy, dirty sand.

Troops are supplied with only greasy pork and beans.

The result is that already camp doctors are busy with men and officers

suffering from various degrees of dysentery.

We hush this up as well as we can,

but to do so altogether is impossible.

Poultney Bigelow, Harper’s Weekly.

Narrator: Other reporters struggled with how best to serve their country:

whether to continue their coverage of the war or enlist in the military.

Richard Harding Davis refused an army commission.

His boss, William Randolph Hearst, yearned to join the navy.

David Nasaw: Unfortunately, Hearst was a huge opponent of McKinley.

So there was no way he was going to get a commission.

He had to try to find a way in.

He wrote McKinley and he offered to volunteer

to give McKinley his fully-equipped yachts

if only he could be allowed to sign on board as a naval officer.

Nothing happened.

Finally, at the last minute, it was becoming more and more embarrassing,

he commissioned himself as a foreign correspondent

and outfitted a fully-equipped steamer with darkroom supplies,

enough champagne for two weeks to cover the war on his own.

Narrator: On the second floor of the White House,

President McKinley set up his own war room.

It was the prototype for the modern military command center.

Walter Lafeber: There were 25 telegraph lines coming into the White House.

There were three telephone lines

and McKinley exploited them all.

He was the first president who understood how you use these new communications,

especially the telephone.

Narrator: The war room learned on May 19th

that a Spanish fleet under Admiral Pascual Cervera had landed in Santiago Bay

on the southeast coast of Cuba.

The bay’s entrance was just 400 feet wide and easily blockaded.

Secretary of the Navy Long sent seven warships to bottle up Cervera’s fleet.

The expeditionary force under General Shafter would attack Santiago by land,

forcing the Spanish fleet to either surrender or run the blockade.

Twenty-five-thousand soldiers made their way to Tampa, Florida,

chosen as the staging point for the invasion.

Officers lounged and gossiped outside their new headquarters:

the extravagantly Moorish Tampa Bay Hotel.

Richard Harding Davis: Officers who had not met in years,

who had been classmates at West Point,

who fought together and against each other in the last war

were left to dangle and dawdle under the electric lights and silver minarets.

Richard Harding Davis.

Joyce Milton: It was quite a scene.

I mean some of these generals had, indeed, fought in the Civil War.

They were elderly,

elderly men sitting in their rocking chairs on the hotel porch in Tampa.

Meanwhile, there was only a narrow gauge railroad,

one track coming into Tampa

bringing all this materiel and men down there.

There was a tremendous pile-up of box cars on all the sidings clear up into Georgia.

Narrator: To help General Shafter untangle the mess,

Commanding General of the Army Nelson Miles went to Tampa.

Miles had warned President McKinley against a summer campaign in Cuba.

Yellow fever and other tropical diseases would decimate U.S. forces.

Rather than delay the invasion,

the War Department enlisted 10,000 volunteers

thought to be resistant to yellow fever.

Tropical ancestry was a qualification.

They were called “Immunes.”

Almost half were black.

[♪ “The Darkey Volunteer”

When those brave black knights who are so bold,

Come prancing down the streets with swords of Klondike gold,

Proud plumed darkies looking fine, we’ll shine while marching as a black K.P.]

The Washington Bee: The Negro has no reason to fight for Cuba’s independence.

He is opposed at home.

He is as much in need of independence as Cuba is.

The African-American Washington Bee.

Kevin Gaines: Legal segregation in the army reflected that of the broader society.

And so many African-Americans

opposed black participation in the war,

believing that African-Americans would be foolish

to participate in a war abroad

when their rights were being trampled upon at home.

[♪ You go, I’ll go wit’ you, open your mouth,

I'll speak for you,

Lord, if I go tell me what to say.

They won’t believe in me!]

The Los Angeles Freeman: Shall the Negro go to war and fight for the country’s flag?

Yes, yes, for every reason of true patriotism.

He will have an opportunity of proving to the world his real bravery,

worth and manhood. The Los Angeles Freeman.

Narrator: Four regular black regiments were among the first to arrive in Tampa.

They were not received hospitably.

Kevin Gaines: If you can imagine within a Jim Crow social order

predicated on the subordination of blacks,

the appearance of masses of black soldiers in uniform

was a direct threat to white supremacy.

So there were numerous altercations,

some of them quite violent, in Tampa.

Narrator: On June 6th, drunken white Ohio volunteers seized a local black child.

They came up with a contest:

the winner was the soldier who sent a bullet through the sleeve of the boy’s shirt.

Though the child survived,

the incident enraged black troops.

They stormed the streets of Tampa,

wrecking the saloons and cafes that had refused them service.

Atlanta Constitution: There was no need to send Negro troops to Cuba.

Now to send them, after this event, is criminal.

The Atlanta Constitution.

Narrator: From Santiago Bay, Rear Admiral Sampson sent a dispatch to Washington.

William Sampson: Bombarded forts at Santiago today, June 6th.

If 10,00 men were here,

we could take the city and fleet within forty-eight hours.

Every consideration demands immediate army movement.

Narrator: In Tampa, General Shafter announced the embarkation for Cuba.

A free-for-all ensued.

Stephen Ambrose: The scene in Tampa was just chaotic

with people fighting to get on board ships

and elbowing other guys aside to get on board ships

and no staff officers there to help and no plan or rhyme or reason to it.

This was all brand new, and they were just terrible at it.

Shafter was handling problems that no American army officer

before had ever had to handle.

This was a general staff that had been built to fight the Indian wars

and all of a sudden they’re going to undertake the most difficult of all military operations:

an amphibious offensive against a defending shoreline.

John Gable: The Rough Riders became an infantry regiment

because there wasn’t sufficient space on the ships to bring these horses over.

TR just moved ahead very aggressively

to make sure that his boys got a place on the boats.

As it was, not all the Rough Riders did get on transports

and many of them were left behind with the horses in Tampa, Florida.

Narrator: Ten-thousand troops,

and much of the ammunition and medical supplies,

never made it aboard.

For the 15,000 soldiers who departed for Cuba on June 14th,

the confusion in Tampa seemed far behind.

Theodore Roosevelt: Today we are steaming southward through a sapphire sea,

wind-rippled, under an almost cloudless sky.

If we are allowed to succeed

we have scored the first triumph in what will be a world movement.

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

Narrator: A week later,

the treacherous shoreline was a sobering sight for U.S. troops.

General Shafter directed his ships to Daiquirí,

twenty-two miles east of Santiago,

where his soldiers could disembark onto a small dock.

Cuban insurgents had driven Spanish forces from the area

so that the U.S. Army could land unopposed.

Stephen Ambrose: So, you get this scene in the D-Day for 1898.

The guys come down off the ships into the rowboats,

a pretty heavy sea.

And they’re coming into a wharf and when they get on a rise,

they have to throw their weapons up onto the wharf

and then down they go again and then they rise again

and they grab up for guys that are up there on top to help ‘em to get out.

And, of course, this didn’t do any good with their horses and mules.

You couldn’t take them in rowboats.

What are you going do with ‘em?

Well, you throw ‘em overboard

and they’ll swim to shore and then you gather ‘em up.

John Gable: TR had two horses for his own use which had been put on the ships.

One horse was named Rain in the Face and one was Texas.

They lowered Rain in the Face into the water.

Rain in the Face died, drowned in place before the harnesses got off.

The same point, Little Texas went right into the drink.

His head came up, he looked around,

and he started swimming out to sea.

On the shore the bugler saw this and began blowing

and Texas heard the bugle call

and turned around and started swimming in to shore.

Narrator: The next day, the U.S. landing continued at Siboney,

a beachhead seven miles west of Daiquirí.

John Gable: The cowboys and Indians couldn’t swim.

They’d never really seen water.

The cowboys kept referring to the – to the, ah – to the ocean as the “crick.”

And, ah, when they got ashore, of course, their uniforms were wool,

they were hot, and the dye started coming off.

And most of them stripped down and just wore their sombreros.

So by the end of the day you had all these nude Rough Riders

with cowboys hats on working in the surf trying to get stuff in.

Richard Davis: A thousand naked men

were assisting and impeding the progress shoreward of their comrades.

An army was being landed with more cheers and shrieks and laughter

than rise from bathers in the surf at Coney Island.

Richard Harding Davis.

Narrator: Once ashore, U.S. troops encountered Cuban rebels for the first time.

Joyce Milton: Well, the American soldiers

had been reading stories about Cuba in the press

and they were completely unprepared for the reality of it.

These rebel soldiers didn’t have uniforms.

Often they didn’t have guns.

They were dirt poor, starving men in rags.

And also they were largely black.

Captain John Bigelow, JR.: I thought from their appearance

that they would prove useful as guides and scouts,

but that we would have to do practically all the fighting.

Captain John Bigelow, Jr., Tenth Cavalry.

Louis Perez: And so the immediate effect of the U.S. arrival

is effectively to appropriate the conduct of the war.

And so we now begin what becomes known as the Spanish-American War,

in which the very title of it signifies the absence of Cubans.

Narrator: Images of U.S. soldiers preparing their advance

were captured by cameramen sent to Cuba by Thomas Edison.

The size of early cameras prevented the filming of actual battles,

so Edison shot reenactments in New Jersey.

In reality, U.S. soldiers were unready for their first encounter with the Spanish.

Twenty-seven-year-old author Stephen Crane,

a reporter for the New York World,

marched alongside Colonel Theodore Roosevelt and his Rough Riders.

They reached Las Guásimas, three miles north of Siboney, on June 24th.

Joyce Milton: Theodore Roosevelt was rather typical in some ways

of these ah, leaders who had very little combat experience.

Stephen Crane happened to notice

that he kept hearing these sounds of a dove,

this “Coo-coo-coo,”

and he thought he recognized that as the signal used by the Spanish scouts.

Roosevelt wouldn’t listen to this

when the Cubans warned him that the Spanish were around

and they did walk right into a terrible ambush.

Stephen Ambrose: And so the potential asset of the Cuban rebels

was not exploited to anywhere near the degree that it could have been.

Rebels can supply intelligence.

They’re there on the scene.

They can say, “There’s a Spanish company over here

and they got some artillery over here and that bridge isn’t defended.”

And you can count on that intelligence.

It’s the best intelligence of all. “I saw it.”

Narrator: The Spanish killed and wounded sixteen U.S. soldiers

before withdrawing to the San Juan Heights just east of Santiago.

From atop the ridge of Las Guásimas,

General Shafter and his aides surveyed the terrain.

George O'Toole: I don’t think there was any great debate about what had to be done.

They decided to mount a two-prong attack.

One on the San Juan Heights which stood between them and Santiago.

And the other on El Caney,

where the Spanish had amassed a sizable military force

which would be on the Americans’ right flank

as they fought in the San Juan Hills.

Narrator: General Shafter ordered his commanders to attack

both El Caney and the San Juan Heights at dawn on July 1st.

At El Caney, 5,000 U.S. troops faced 500 well-entrenched Spanish defenders.

Arthur Lee: The American battery kept up a leisurely fire on the stone fort,

eliciting no reply, and so little disturbing the Spanish

that someone suggested they were dummies.

Captain Arthur Lee, British military attaché.

Edward Henry: The Spaniards then aimed their volleys on our attacking line.

We dropped to the ground and fired at will.

Men fell in front of me to my right and left.

Private Edward Henry, Twenty-first Infantry.

Narrator: It was not until late afternoon that U.S. forces had taken El Caney.

Among those wounded was New York Journal reporter James Creelman,

who had tried to recover the Spanish flag from atop the stone fort.

Joyce Milton: James Creelman got carried away and he had his pistol,

he drew his pistol and started shooting and ran up the hill

and took a bullet in the back and fell over, thought he was dying.

And the next thing he knew was he awoke from his daze

and there was Hearst leaning over him

wearing a straw hat with a nice ribbon in it.

And he said, “Well, I’m sorry you’re shot, but wasn’t it a splendid fight?

We beat all the other newspapers.”

Stephen Ambrose: This was just wonderful for the newspapers.

Coming out of the depression,

all the news had been bad news

and here came a war and it was a glorious war to cover:

exotic place, an enemy that it was easy to despise,

real heroes, all the color of the Rough Riders.

Narrator: That same day, the Rough Riders and 9,000 other U.S. troops,

including three black regiments, formed southwest of El Caney

to take the San Juan Heights.

U.S. commanders planned first to cross the San Juan River at the base of the Heights;

then to take Kettle Hill, just west of the San Juan River;

and last, to seize the blockhouse atop San Juan Hill,

Spain’s final stronghold before Santiago.

John Conn: We piled up all our extra baggage,

nothing but our arms, ammunition, and canteens being needed,

and advanced with our colonel down into the San Juan River,

and there it was terrible—

just one continual roar of small arms, cannon and bursting shells.

Corporal John Conn, Twenty-fourth Infantry.

Theodore Roosevelt: I had the troopers taking advantage of every scrap of cover

but the Spanish swept the whole edge of the river,

and man after man in our ranks fell dead or wounded.

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

George O'Toole: It soon became apparent to Roosevelt

that it wouldn’t be any more dangerous for them to charge up the hill

than it would be for them to stay where they were.

So they charged up the hill, and the hill by the way, was not San Juan Hill.

It was part of the San Juan ridge, but it was Kettle Hill.

Theodore Roosevelt: No sooner were we on the crest

than we had a splendid view of the charge

on the San Juan block house to our left, where the infantry were climbing the hill.

Suddenly, above the cracking of the carbines, rose a peculiar drumming sound.

“It’s the Gatlings, men, our Gatlings!”

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

George O'Toole: The Spanish had never seen this kind of weapon before.

But it scared them because it was, you know, hundreds of rounds a minute,

pouring into their positions and it--it didn’t take long before they just turned tail

and ran down the other side of San Juan Hill.

Narrator: U.S. forces captured the San Juan Heights at the cost of 140 American men.

But history would assign the glory to only one.

Stephen Ambrose: The number one image of the Spanish-American War

in the minds of the American people is Teddy Roosevelt on his horse,

standing out there all by himself, Spanish sharpshooters up there shooting at him,

obviously the most visible target, by far, on the battlefield,

tellin’ his guys not “Charge”—”Follow me.”

Narrator: In the course of battle,

Roosevelt combined elements of six separate regiments,

including the African-American Ninth and Tenth Cavalries.

John Gable: Now at that point most of the black soldiers

had become separated from their officers.

Roosevelt went up and told the black soldiers that, you know, he was taking over,

that he was the ranking officer and they were to—to follow him.

And he announced at the time that, ahm,

if any man went to the rear, retreated, or ran, he’d shoot him.

Theodore Roosevelt: This was the end of the trouble with the “smoked Yankees”

”—as the Spaniards called the colored soldiers—

who flashed their white teeth at one another, as they broke into broad grins,

seeming to accept me as one of their own officers.

Occasionally, the colored troops can take initiative

precisely like the best class of whites.

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

Presley Holliday: His statement was uncalled for and uncharitable,

considering the effect the Tenth Cavalry had

in weakening the forces opposed to the Colonel’s regiment.

I will say that when our soldiers tell what they saw

the public will learn that not every company of colored soldiers

was led or urged forward by its white officer.

Presley Holliday, Tenth Cavalry.

Narrator: Entrenched six hundred yards from Santiago,

the U.S. Army awaited orders to proceed.

Joseph Wheeler: The defenses of Santiago were constructed with commendable skill.

To take the city by assault would cost us at least three thousand men.

General “Fighting Joe” Wheeler.

Narrator: But Spain’s unwillingness to surrender its fleet

would spare American soldiers the bloodshed.

On July 3rd, less than two weeks after the U.S. Army had landed in Cuba,

the Spanish Admiral Cervera confronted

Rear Admiral Sampson’s blockade of Santiago Bay.

George Graham: We saw what probably has not

been witnessed since the days of the Armada:

ships coming out for deadly battle, but dressed as for a regal parade.

They bespoke luxury and chivalry, and a proud defiance.

George Graham, Associated Press.

Narrator: Admiral Cervera’s fleet swung westward,

but could not sail beyond the firing range of the U.S. Navy.

Within three hours, all Spanish ships but one were destroyed.

Jose de Parades: The Oregon commenced to gain on us,

and soon after opened fire with her heavy bow guns.

I decided to run ashore and lose the ship

rather than sacrifice in vain the lives of all these men.

Spanish Captain Jose de Paredes.

Louis Perez: I think it’s probably symbolic and maybe even significant that the last ship,

very last ship to be sunk, which signals the end of the

Spanish empire in many ways in the New World,

is the, uh, is the Columbus.

That’s the final ship that goes down in the battle of Santiago.

Narrator: Nine days later, under the shade of a great ceiba tree,

General Shafter began negotiations for the surrender of Santiago.

As Commanding General of the Army Nelson Miles had warned President McKinley,

disease struck U.S. soldiers.

Stephen Ambrose: He knew, and it was certain—and in fact it did happen—

that virtually all the American troops are going to get malaria.

And as many as 25 percent of ‘em would be down at any one time,

and by “down” I mean flat on the back, unable to operate at all.

And then in July the yellow fever was gonna start

Narrator: The growing death toll convinced General Shafter

to accept a conditional surrender of Santiago.

Spain could not afford to ship its own army back from Cuba.

Shafter agreed to send home 23,000 Spanish soldiers at U.S. expense.

Disease would take the lives of more than two thousand U.S. troops,

nearly five times the number of fatalities from combat.

Charles Post: Each morning we would hear bugles

blowing taps very shortly after reveille.

First the burial detail, then the bugle.

The sickness was striking in harder.

One bugle followed another throughout the day

almost as if they were but echoes among the hills.

Private Charles Post, Seventy-first Infantry.

TITLE CARD: “The Stars and Stripes Forever”

Narrator: On July 17th, in Santiago’s main square,

U.S. and Spanish generals assembled for the formal surrender of the city.

When the cathedral’s clock struck noon, the Spanish flag,

which had flown over Santiago for nearly 400 years,

was replaced by the Stars and Stripes, not the flag of Cuba Libre.

Cuban insurgents were not invited to attend.

Louis Perez: The reasons given for their denial to enter the city was that

– that they would plunder and they would pillage

and that they would loot and they would sack.

And so, ahm, in addition to the sentimental, ah, dimension of

– of this decision, the Cubans felt that they were slandered.

Calixto Garcia: We are a poor ragged army,

as poor as was the army of your forefathers in their noble war for independence,

but like the heroes of Saratoga and Yorktown,

we respect our cause too deeply to disgrace it with barbarism and cowardice.

General Calixto García.

Louis Perez: The Cubans were now characterized as slouchers,

as people who really had no understanding of

– of freedom, of liberty, that these were people who were themselves

were fundamentally unfit for self-government.

William Shafter: Self-government!

Why, those people are no more fit for self-government than gunpowder is for hell.

As I view it, we have taken Spain’s war upon ourselves.

General William Shafter.

TITLE CARD: “Ma Filipino Babe”

In a little, rustic cottage, in the far-off Philippines,

sits a little, black-faced maiden all alone.

Narrator: Spain’s army in the Philippines was trapped in Intramuros,

a walled city within Manila built by Spanish conquerors 300 years earlier.

Aguinaldo’s insurgents had besieged the stronghold for nearly two months.

Ricardo Jose: They had gotten Manila almost completely surrounded to the extent

that the Spaniards were running low on water and food.

And Aguinaldo at this point asked the Spanish commander to surrender Manila to his forces.

But the Spaniards, with their sense of pride, refused to do that.

They feared that the Filipinos would take vengeance on them,

that the Filipinos would murder them and rape their women.

Narrator: Aguinaldo hoped that Rear Admiral Dewey’s fleet would bombard Intramuros

and force the Spanish to surrender to the Filipinos.

But Dewey had been waiting for U.S. land troops, who began arriving in July.

Ricardo Jose: The Filipinos had been led to believe

that the Americans were their redeemers, their liberators,

and so for as long as Dewey’s fleet was there, it was all right.

But when the soldiers came in,

then the Filipinos began to have their doubts and

became suspicious about the American motives.

The American soldiers, on the other hand,

arrived thinking that they were really going to educate these people

and a lot of them equated the Filipinos with blacks, Negroes.

And they looked down on many of them.

Kristin Hoganson: The Filipinos were portrayed by the press

in a very different way from, say,

the way the Cubans had been portrayed prior to the U.S. intervention.

What was more common was to portray the Filipinos as children.

So that Uncle Sam would have to come in and establish a kindergarten

and would educate the Filipinos for self-government.

Narrator: The Spanish proposed surrendering to

the United States in a mock battle for Manila.

Few soldiers would be harmed,

and the Spanish would maintain their military honor.

Filipinos would be kept out of Intramuros by the U.S. Army.

George O'Toole: The Battle of Manila was another one of these things

where the Spanish did not want to simply raise their

hands in the air and come out surrendering.

It was almost like the reenactments that you see today of Civil War battles.

Everybody knew who was going to win.

Ricardo Jose: The Spaniards raised the white flag.

The Americans rushed into the city as planned,

and the Filipinos were left holding an empty bag.

Before they knew what had hit them, they were still surrounding Manila,

but Manila had changed hands into the Americans.

Narrator: On August 14th, in the church of San Augustine,

the Spanish handed over formal possession of Manila to the United States.

And like General García at Santiago,

Aguinaldo and his insurgents were barred from entering the city.

Filipino leaders retreated to a monastery north of Manila

to organize a government independent of the United States.

Emilio Aquinaldo: The people struggle for their independence, absolutely convinced

that the time has come when they can and should govern themselves.

Emilio Aguinaldo.

TITLE CARD: “ACT THREE: One Man and All Our Institutions”

TITLE CARD: “For Victory of Our Country’s Flag”

Our country called, they hastened on to fight for freedom’s cause,

For victory of our country’s flag, for just and righteous laws.

Narrator: Peace negotiations between the United States and Spain

began in Paris on October 1st, 1898.

No Filipinos or Cubans had been consulted or invited to attend.

Their fate lay in the hands of ten American and Spanish delegates.

Walter Lafeber: I think at this point McKinley was not sure in his own mind

exactly what he would ask of the Spanish.

Ah, he was sure that he would ask them to give up Cuba.

The question was what to do with the Philippines.

And he decided that he needed the port of Manila in the Philippines

in order to have a naval base in the Western Pacific.

The real question was how much more than Manila

should we have in order to protect Manila.

Narrator: Congressional elections were just a month away.

As President McKinley toured the Midwest to campaign for Republicans,

he gauged public opinion on overseas expansion.

William McKinley: We have good money, we have ample revenues,

we have unquestioned national credit, but we want new markets,

and as trade follows the flag,

it looks very much as if we are going to have new markets.

Walter Lafeber: He made speeches in which

he would pose the problem something like this.

“Ah, we have established American interests and the flag in the Philippines.

Should we take the flag down?”

And of course the audience would roar back, “No!”

“Should we keep the Philippines as an overseas base?”

And of course the audience would roar it’s approval and McKinley would say,

“Well, I guess they want the Philippines.”

Narrator: The Republicans maintained their majority in Congress.

Theodore Roosevelt was elected Governor of New York.

Five days later, U.S. treaty negotiators in Paris were cabled President McKinley’s terms.

John Hay: Insist upon the cession of the whole of the Philippines.

.If necessary, pay to Spain twenty million dollars.

Secretary of State John Hay.

Narrator: Spain accepted the offer and gave up the Philippines and Cuba

in addition to Guam and Puerto Rico.

The 400-year-old Spanish empire,

which once included most of the Western Hemisphere,

ended with the stroke of a pen.

The Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10th, 1898,

required ratification by at least two-thirds of the U.S. Senate.

H.W. Brands: The U.S. Senate has historically billed itself

as the most deliberative body in the world,

and often it doesn’t live up to that reputation.

But in the debate over the ratification of the Treaty of Paris, I think it did.

Despite the over-blown rhetoric on both sides,

there was a critical issue that was being debated.

Should the United States become an imperial power?

George Hoar: This Treaty will make us a vulgar, commonplace empire,

controlling subject races and vassal states,

in which one class must forever rule and other classes must forever obey.

Knute Nelson: Providence has given the United States

the duty of extending Christian civilization.

We come as ministering angels, not despots.

George Vest: Every schoolboy knows that the Revolutionary War

was fought against the colonial system of Europe.

No power is given to the federal government to acquire territory to be held as colonies.

Henry Cabot Lodge: Suppose we reject the Treaty.

We continue the state of war.

We repudiate the President.

We are branded as a people incapable of taking rank

as one of the greatest of world powers!

Narrator: The debate was not confined to Senate chambers.

Among those who spoke out against the

Treaty were leaders of the Democratic opposition.

William Jennings Bryan: When the desire to steal

becomes uncontrollable in an individual

he is declared to be a kleptomaniac;

when the desire to grab land becomes uncontrollable in a nation

we are told that “the currents of destiny are flowing in the hearts of men.”

Robert Beisner: They don’t think it’s possible for a democracy to be an empire,

that trying to rule an empire thousands of mile abroad,

they’re convinced, will corrupt American democratic institutions.

But they also can’t imagine absorbing the people of the Philippines

in any form into the American republic.

Andrew Carnegie: Is the Republic to remain one

homogeneous whole, one united people,

or to become a scattered and disjointed aggregate of widely separated and alien races?

Steel magnate Andrew Carnegie.

Robert Beisner: Part of the treaty terms with Spain

included $20 million for the Philippines.

Carnegie, apparently sincerely, offered to pull out his checkbook

and write a check to the United States government for $20 million

and in return for which he wanted McKinley

to give the Philippines, uh, their independence.

Narrator: Carnegie and former President Cleveland

petitioned the Senate to reject the Treaty, still two votes shy of ratification.

The final vote was scheduled for February 6th, 1899.

In Manila, U.S. and Filipino soldiers eyed each

other suspiciously across a neutral divide.

Just two days before the final Senate vote,

a U.S. Army private on patrol spotted two Filipino soldiers

crossing the San Juan Bridge to American lines.

He shouted for the soldiers to halt.

Maria Camagay: A Filipino soldier was not understand the word “halt.”

So ignoring that warning, continued, no?

Ah, he continued, ah, to move towards American lines.

The Americans fired from their end and, ah,

there was now a reply on the Filipino end.

Robert Beisner: There’s a strong sentiment that flashes through the Senate

that we have to support our boys in the Philippines.

And it’s like there was a patriotism aroused instead of doubts.

I mean the fighting in the Philippines causes a lot of people to have doubts,

but in the Senate it has the impact of turning a number of people

who were thinking of opposing the treaty into supporting it.

Narrator: Two Democrats switched sides,

and the Senate narrowly ratified the Treaty.

The United States officially acquired its first colonies,

and its first colonial rebellion.

Sixty U.S. soldiers and 700 Filipinos had been killed.

Robert Beisner: One of the great sardonic writers of the time, Ambrose Bierce,

wrote that “taking an empire is not like smoking a cigarette.”

And the people who came to be known as anti-imperialists were of that view,

and one of them said, “Dewey took Manila

with the loss of one man and all our institutions.”

TITLE CARD: “Come Home Dewey (We Won’t Do a Thing To You)”

Come home Dewey, we won’t do a thing to you,

Grand old hero of the red, white, and blue!

Seventy-million people, with nothing else to do,

Wait for your coming and they’ll make it warm for you.

Narrator: Rear Admiral Dewey doubled his order of ammunition from Washington

to help put a swift end to the Filipino insurrection.

New York Times: The insane attack of these people upon their liberators!

It is not likely that Aguinaldo himself will exhibit much staying power.

After one or two collisions, the insurgent army will break up.

The New York Times, February 1899.

Narrator: To avoid an uprising in Cuba,

U.S. officials appealed to General Gómez to demobilize his troops.

Maximo Gomez: The Cuban army cannot dissolve itself

unless I receive the assurance that independence will be given to Cuba.

General Máximo Gómez.

Narrator: Cubans gained faith in the United States

when it began extensive programs to improve public works on the island.

Franklin Knight: Electricity was introduced.

The telegraph was expanded.

The railroads were repaired and cleaned up.

Swamps were drained.

Ah, roads were paved so that you wouldn’t have standing water.

And in fact, this made a tremendous difference among the population of Cuba.

Narrator: General Gómez agreed to disband the Cuban Army,

hoping that the United States would in turn honor the Teller Amendment.

Passed before the war,

the Teller Amendment guaranteed the Cubans their independence.

In the Philippines, Aguinaldo’s insurgents had no promises of independence,

no Teller Amendment.

They continued to resist.

Within two months, they had killed and wounded 500 U.S. soldiers.

Harper's Weekly: Why is it that the American outlook is blacker now

than it has been since the beginning of the war?

The whole population of the islands sympathizes with the insurgents.

The sooner the people of the United States find out

that the people of the Philippines do not wish to be governed by us, the better.

Harper’s Weekly, June 1899.

Walter Lafeber: The Anti-Imperialist League that had begun

some months before grew in membership.

It’s very interesting especially in the number of American women got involved in this.

They did not yet have suffrage.

They saw the Filipinos essentially as having their problem.

That is to say they were being governed without their having anything to say about it.

Narrator: Among the most vocal of anti-imperialist women

were members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union.

Bessie Scovel: Again and again has my blood boiled

at the hundreds of American saloons

being established throughout our new possessions.

And, shame of shames, our military authorities in the Philippines

have introduced the open and official sanction of prostitution!

Bessie Scovel, Woman’s Christian Temperance Union.

Kristin Hoganson: What really upset WCTU members

were the reports of sexually transmitted diseases,

and they were just appalled to find out

that boys who they described as “pure boys” had left their – their homes

and their loving mothers and their, ah, strong, ahm, values and went to the Philippines

and, instead, came home sick, diseased, depraved.

Narrator: Founder of the Anti-Imperialist League Edward Atkinson

published pamphlets on venereal disease and sent them to troops in the Philippines.

Robert Beisner: Atkinson believed that one of the consequences

of going into the career of empire was that traditional American principles,

such as freedom of speech, would no longer hold.

And sure enough, the Postmaster General had the pamphlets seized

and so they never reached the Philippines

and Atkinson was able to go the public then and say, “You see? This is what happens.

If we seize the Philippines to go and become an imperialist power,

we’ll no longer have our freedoms.”

Narrator: In August 1899, the U.S. commander in Manila

requested 60,000 reinforcements, quadrupling the size of U.S. forces in the Philippines.

Aguinaldo ordered his officers to begin a guerrilla war.

Ricardo Jose: It involved men without uniforms,

so they would be able to fade into civilian populations very, very quickly.

It involved surprise attacks, raids, ah, without warning.

Some of the Filipinos would even wear women’s clothing at times

to be able to get behind American lines and then hit from the back.

Stephen Ambrose: The way the fighting went on was just utterly alien

to the American kids in the beginning of the 20th century in the Philippines

just as it was to the American kids in the late 1960s in Vietnam.

And whenever you send an eighteen- or a nineteen-year-old out into the world

and give him a gun and tell him to go and kill the enemy and hate the enemy,

you, you’re—you’re gonna have problems.

You’re gonna have the kind of thing that happened at Wounded Knee,

or the kind of thing that happened in the Philippines with the American troops

torturing their prisoners in the most "you-don’t-want-to-ever-even-think-about-it" ways.

Narrator: American brutality in the Philippines

brought an unexpected supporter to the anti-imperialist movement:

William Randolph Hearst.

Douglas Brinkley: Letters that were sent to him from American soldiers

talked about “killing the Filipinos,” who they called “Indians” oftentimes,

connecting it to the Indian Wars of the United States.

And I think Hearst started seeing that

– that perhaps the whole Spanish-American War was a misadventure,

that what possibly worked in Cuba getting Spain out

was turning out to be disastrous, ahm, in the Pacific with the Philippines.

“BREAK THE NEWS TO MOTHER”
Just break the news to mother, she knows how dear I love her,

And tell her not to wait for me, for I’m not coming home.

Theodore Conley: Talk about dead Indians!

Why, they are lying everywhere.

The trenches are full of them.

Theodore Conley, a Kansas Regiment.

A.A. Barnes: Last night one of our boys

was found shot and his stomach cut open.

Immediately orders were received to burn the town and kill every native in sight.

I am probably growing hard-hearted for I am in my glory

when I can sight my gun on some dark skin and pull the trigger.

A. A. Barnes, Third U.S. Artillery.

Anonymous Soldier: I don’t believe the people in the United States

understand the condition of things here.

Even the Spanish are shocked.

I have seen enough to almost make me ashamed to call myself an American.

An anonymous soldier.

Narrator: The body count in the Philippines worried President McKinley.

Three thousand Americans and 15,000 Filipinos had been killed.

U.S. generals in Manila were ordered to censor reporters’ dispatches

that contained any unfavorable news.

Walter Lafeber: American reporters in the Philippines

blamed the generals not the President for this censorship

and their inability to get a lot of this news out.

So by the early part of 1900,

McKinley was in much better shape politically than he should have been

given the number of casualties and the amount of atrocities

ah, that were going on in the Philippine revolution.

TITLE CARD: “Our Billy”

Our Billy! He’ll boss the job alright!

He’ll stop the free-trade holes up, and make the fences tight!

Narrator: In June 1900, the Republicans gathered in

Philadelphia for their national convention.

. President McKinley was easily re-nominated, largely because the nation prospered.

Teddy Roosevelt was selected as his running mate.

John Gable: Roosevelt was nominated not because

he was Governor of New York State,

but because he was a war hero and, therefore,

could add a lot of pizzazz to the Republican ticket.

Narrator: The election of 1900 was a rematch

between McKinley and William Jennings Bryan,

the Democratic candidate in 1896.

Bryan hoped to win this election by making the Philippines a central issue.

On November 6th, Bryan carried only four states, and not even his native Nebraska.

McKinley won by a landslide,

and became the first president of the twentieth century.

H.W. Brands: Almost never do foreign policy questions decide American elections.

McKinley was re-elected on the prosperity that his administration

had brought to the country after the horrible depression of the 1890s.

The fact that Bryan had raised the imperial question allowed

the Republicans to claim their victory as a victory for imperialism.

Narrator: One of the first acts of McKinley’s new administration

was to offer Cuba limited self-government.

The Platt Amendment, introduced by Connecticut

Senator Orville Platt, made Cuba a U.S. protectorate.

The United States could intervene in Cuba’s affairs

and establish a naval base at Guantánamo Bay.

Franklin Knight: The Platt Amendment was the American guarantee

that Cuba would remain American.

It undermined any attempt on the Cubans to be autonomous.

Louis Perez: The Cubans were told in explicit terms,

“Your choice is a republic with the Platt Amendment or continued military occupation.”

It was a terrible dilemma: to accommodate or to resist.

And at this point it was not clear what to do.

So much had changed. The army had been demobilized.

They had scattered all into the island.

And people like General Máximo Gómez

were left with this very, very bitter denouement.

Maximo Gomez: This is not the Republic we fought for;

it is not the independence we dreamed about,

but there is no gain in discussing that now.

We must save what remains of the redemptive revolution.

General Máximo Gómez.

Narrator: The Cubans bowed to U.S. pressure and narrowly voted

the Platt Amendment into their constitution.

In the Philippines, U.S. troops

had posed as prisoners-of-war to infiltrate rebel headquarters.

Three weeks after President McKinley’s March inauguration,

they captured rebel leader Emilio Aguinaldo.

Emilo Aquinaldo: There has been enough blood, enough tears, enough desolation.

By accepting the sovereignty of the United States,

I believe I am serving thee, my beloved country.

Emilio Aguinaldo.

Narrator: While war continued in the southern Philippines,

there were few skirmishes around Manila in the summer of 1901.

President McKinley appointed William Howard Taft

the first civilian governor of the Philippines.

“Big Bill” Taft called the Filipinos his “little brown brothers.”

McKinley described Taft’s mission as one of “benevolent assimilation.”

Ricardo Jose: What was established here very quickly were schools

and the introduction of American methods of education, English language.

Except that the American administration in the Philippines passed a law

which made illegal anything that was anti-American,

whether it was written, spoken, or even a picture,

the Philippine flag was banned,

although Filipinos found other ways to continue the struggle.

TITLE CARD: “Don’t Put Me Off at Buffalo Any More”

To see the Pan-American, I went to Buffalo.

I saw the great exhibits that this nation had to show in Buffalo, in Buffalo.

The curiosities I saw, they really made me smile.

You can see more sights on Sunday on the beach at Coney Isle.

Narrator: On September 5th, 1901,

President McKinley visited the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York.

He spoke about the nation’s new world role.

William McKinley: We have a vast and intricate business

built up through years of toil and struggle,

in which every part of this country has its stake.

Isolation is no longer possible or desirable.

Walter Lafeber: He was the first President who had ever said this,

who had essentially told Americans they now had global responsibilities

and that they had to start learning foreign languages

because they were now competing in a world market.

Narrator: The next afternoon, President McKinley greeted visitors at a public reception.

Walter Lafeber: He had been warned by his secret service detail

that there was the danger of assassination.

Anarchists had assassinated several ah, figures ah, in Europe,

particularly European royalty,

and there had been threats made on McKinley’s life.

McKinley would not listen to these warnings

and he insisted upon meeting people one by one

as they came through the hall at the Buffalo exposition.

Narrator: A Bach sonata murmured quietly from the reception hall,

broken suddenly by two shots.

Leon Czolgosz, an anarchist,

had fired a revolver concealed by a handkerchief.

One bullet deflected harmlessly off a button on the President’s shirt.

The second lacerated his stomach.

President William McKinley died eight days later.

Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt was sworn in.

TITLE CARD: “McKinley, Our Hero, Now at Rest”

McKinley, our hero, now at rest.

Narrator: Ten days after President McKinley’s death,

the residents of Balangiga, a tiny village 400 miles southeast of Manila,

attacked the local U.S. garrison.

While U.S. soldiers ate breakfast, the church bells rang a signal.

Filipinos brandishing machetes emerged from their hiding places.

Forty-eight Americans, two-thirds of the garrison, were butchered.

Ricardo Jose: For the Filipinos,

this was seen as a victorious battle on the side of the revolution,

but to the Americans it was seen as a--an atroc--an atrocity of the gravest proportions.

Narrator: On the orders of General Jacob Smith,

U.S. troops retaliated against the entire island of Samar where Balangiga is located.

Jacob Smith: I want no prisoners.

I want all persons killed

who are capable of bearing arms against the United States.

Littleton Waller: I’d like to know the limit of age to respect, sir.

Jacob Smith: Ten years.

General Jacob Smith.

Ricardo Jose: And his troops followed the order to the letter,

burning villages, killing men, and actually even women and children

and converting Samar into really a howling wilderness.

U.S. ARMY SONG Oh, I’m only a common soldier in the blasted Philippines.

They say I’ve got brown brothers here, but I don’t know what it means.

I like the word “fraternity,” but still I draw the line.

Oh, he may be a brother of Big Bill Taft, but he ain’t no brother of mine.

Narrator: In Batangas, a province south of Manila,

U.S. officers herded all non-insurgents into fortified zones.

Everyone outside these zones was considered an enemy and captured or killed.

The similarities to Spanish methods in Cuba were unmistakable.

Leading anti-imperialist Senator George Hoar

insisted on public hearings to try those responsible for these atrocities.

Three Army officers, including General Jacob Smith, were court-martialed.

George Hoar: You have sacrificed nearly ten-thousand American lives.

You have slain uncounted thousands of the people you desired to benefit.

You have established reconcentration camps

Your statesmanship has succeeded in converting a grateful people

into enemies possessed of a hatred which centuries cannot eradicate.

Senator George Hoar.

“EPILOGUE” “After the War is O’er”

After the war, come back to me, then we will part no more.

Happy I’ll be, sweetheart with thee, after the war is o’er.

Narrator: In April 1902, after more than three years of fighting,

Filipino insurgents surrendered to the United States.

H.W. Brands: By the end of the war,

Americans simply had no stomach for any more colonies.

Even Roosevelt himself was forced to conclude

that the Americans were not an imperial people.

He said that the Philippines had become America’s Achilles heel.

Stephen Ambrose: He should have listened harder in 1898

to a lot of people who were saying at that time,

“We’re going to acquire these foreign people

about whom we know very little or nothing, who are way, way far away,

who have a culture that is not a part of ours.

It’s just south of Japan.

They’re gon—if we have those islands,

it’s gonna draw us into a war in the Pacific

and it’s gonna be a very bloody and very tough war to fight.”

Narrator: In World War II, Japan conquered the Philippines.

Sixty-thousand Americans and more than a million Filipinos

were killed driving the Japanese from the islands.

Soon after, the United States granted the Filipinos their independence.

The U.S. military withdrew from Havana in 1902.

While the Cubans could govern their day-to-day affairs,

the Platt Amendment allowed the United States

to intervene whenever its interests were threatened;

the first time was in 1906.

Walter Lafeber: There was political instability in Cuba

and President Theodore Roosevelt sent troops into the island.

And I think this was a major turn.

Because at that point the Cubans began to see the United States

as a kind of big brother who would only let them do

certain things under certain limitations.

Narrator: Cuba was given its independence in 1934,

but the United States remained a powerful influence in the island’s affairs.

Resentment in Cuba grew, culminating in another nationalist revolution.

Fidel Castro, the son of a Spanish sugar planter,

overthrew U.S.-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista in 1959.

Louis Perez: It is not coincidence that

in the final hours of the fall of the Batista government,

Fidel Castro on January 1st issues a proclamation talking about the,

the fall of the regime.

And then makes this illusion, makes this remarkable allusion,

that this time the Cuban Army will not be kept out of the city of Santiago

—a resonating reference to 1898.

It is as if somehow now, Cuban history now,

in some sort of existential way, has resumed.

Narrator: To the Maine memorial in Havana,

Castro’s government added an inscription:

“to the victims of the Maine who were sacrificed

by imperialist greed in its mission to conquer the island of Cuba.”

“WE HAVE REMEMBERED THE MAINE”

"We have remembered the Maine, wiped out the old flag’s stain,

And proudly once more, as in the days of yore, it floats on the breeze again.

George O'Toole: In 1911, the Navy decided

that it was not what they wanted

to have the Maine on the bottom of Havana harbor

with its superstructure sticking up out of the water.

And they thought it would be more seemly to re-float the Maine,

and take it out to sea and sink it there.

And that’s where things stayed until the 1970s

when the late Admiral Rickover came up with the conclusion

that it was not an external explosion,

but that it was probably set off by a spontaneous combustion fire in the coal bunker.

It’s ironic because the explosion set off this series of events

and changed us in ways that that could never be reversed.

“WE HAVE REMEMBERED THE MAINE” We have remembered the Maine.'

WEB SITE ON-AIR ANNOUNCEMENT

“BEFORE THE MAINE WENT DOWN”

Before the Maine went down. Mothers and matrons and sweethearts,

In hamlet and village and town, prayed for and wrote to their darlings,

Before the Maine went down. Letters came back from the laddies,

Love-laden home, swift o’er the foam, before the Maine went down.

A production of South Carolina ETV.

Major funding for “Crucible of Empire” was provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Funding was also provided by the National Endowment for the Humanities,

the annual financial support of viewers like you,

and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.