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3 clues to understanding your brain

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    Well, as Chris pointed out, I study the human brain,
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    the functions and structure of the human brain.
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    And I just want you to think for a minute about what this entails.
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    Here is this mass of jelly, three-pound mass of jelly
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    you can hold in the palm of your hand,
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    and it can contemplate the vastness of interstellar space.
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    It can contemplate the meaning of infinity
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    and it can contemplate itself contemplating on the meaning of infinity.
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    And this peculiar recursive quality that we call self-awareness,
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    which I think is the holy grail of neuroscience, of neurology,
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    and hopefully, someday, we'll understand how that happens.
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    OK, so how do you study this mysterious organ?
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    I mean, you have 100 billion nerve cells,
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    little wisps of protoplasm, interacting with each other,
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    and from this activity emerges the whole spectrum of abilities
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    that we call human nature and human consciousness.
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    How does this happen?
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    Well, there are many ways of approaching the functions of the human brain.
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    One approach, the one we use mainly,
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    is to look at patients with sustained damage to a small region of the brain,
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    where there's been a genetic change in a small region of the brain.
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    What then happens is not an across-the-board reduction
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    in all your mental capacities,
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    a sort of blunting of your cognitive ability.
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    What you get is a highly selective loss of one function,
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    with other functions being preserved intact,
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    and this gives you some confidence in asserting
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    that that part of the brain is somehow involved in mediating that function.
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    So you can then map function onto structure,
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    and then find out what the circuitry's doing
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    to generate that particular function.
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    So that's what we're trying to do.
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    So let me give you a few striking examples of this.
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    In fact, I'm giving you three examples, six minutes each, during this talk.
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    The first example is an extraordinary syndrome called Capgras syndrome.
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    If you look at the first slide there,
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    that's the temporal lobes, frontal lobes, parietal lobes, OK --
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    the lobes that constitute the brain.
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    And if you look, tucked away inside the inner surface of the temporal lobes --
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    you can't see it there --
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    is a little structure called the fusiform gyrus.
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    And that's been called the face area in the brain,
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    because when it's damaged, you can no longer recognize people's faces.
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    You can still recognize them from their voice
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    and say, "Oh yeah, that's Joe,"
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    but you can't look at their face and know who it is, right?
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    You can't even recognize yourself in the mirror.
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    I mean, you know it's you because you wink and it winks,
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    and you know it's a mirror,
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    but you don't really recognize yourself as yourself.
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    OK. Now that syndrome is well known as caused by damage to the fusiform gyrus.
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    But there's another rare syndrome, so rare, in fact,
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    that very few physicians have heard about it, not even neurologists.
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    This is called the Capgras delusion,
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    and that is a patient, who's otherwise completely normal,
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    has had a head injury, comes out of coma,
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    otherwise completely normal, he looks at his mother
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    and says, "This looks exactly like my mother, this woman,
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    but she's an impostor.
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    She's some other woman pretending to be my mother."
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    Now, why does this happen?
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    Why would somebody -- and this person is perfectly lucid and intelligent
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    in all other respects, but when he sees his mother,
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    his delusion kicks in and says, it's not mother.
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    Now, the most common interpretation of this,
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    which you find in all the psychiatry textbooks,
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    is a Freudian view, and that is that this chap --
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    and the same argument applies to women, by the way,
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    but I'll just talk about guys.
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    When you're a little baby, a young baby,
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    you had a strong sexual attraction to your mother.
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    This is the so-called Oedipus complex of Freud.
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    I'm not saying I believe this,
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    but this is the standard Freudian view.
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    And then, as you grow up, the cortex develops,
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    and inhibits these latent sexual urges towards your mother.
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    Thank God, or you would all be sexually aroused when you saw your mother.
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    And then what happens is,
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    there's a blow to your head, damaging the cortex,
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    allowing these latent sexual urges to emerge,
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    flaming to the surface, and suddenly and inexplicably
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    you find yourself being sexually aroused by your mother.
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    And you say, "My God, if this is my mom,
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    how come I'm being sexually turned on?
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    She's some other woman. She's an impostor."
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    It's the only interpretation that makes sense to your damaged brain.
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    This has never made much sense to me, this argument.
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    It's very ingenious, as all Freudian arguments are --
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    (Laughter)
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    -- but didn't make much sense because I have seen the same delusion,
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    a patient having the same delusion, about his pet poodle.
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    (Laughter)
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    He'll say, "Doctor, this is not Fifi. It looks exactly like Fifi,
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    but it's some other dog." Right?
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    Now, you try using the Freudian explanation there.
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    (Laughter)
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    You'll start talking about the latent bestiality in all humans,
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    or some such thing, which is quite absurd, of course.
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    Now, what's really going on?
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    So, to explain this curious disorder,
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    we look at the structure and functions of the normal visual pathways in the brain.
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    Normally, visual signals come in, into the eyeballs,
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    go to the visual areas in the brain.
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    There are, in fact, 30 areas in the back of your brain concerned with just vision,
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    and after processing all that, the message goes to a small structure
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    called the fusiform gyrus, where you perceive faces.
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    There are neurons there that are sensitive to faces.
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    You can call it the face area of the brain, right?
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    I talked about that earlier.
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    Now, when that area's damaged, you lose the ability to see faces, right?
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    But from that area, the message cascades
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    into a structure called the amygdala in the limbic system,
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    the emotional core of the brain,
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    and that structure, called the amygdala,
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    gauges the emotional significance of what you're looking at.
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    Is it prey? Is it predator? Is it mate?
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    Or is it something absolutely trivial, like a piece of lint,
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    or a piece of chalk, or a -- I don't want to point to that, but --
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    or a shoe, or something like that? OK?
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    Which you can completely ignore.
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    So if the amygdala is excited, and this is something important,
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    the messages then cascade into the autonomic nervous system.
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    Your heart starts beating faster.
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    You start sweating to dissipate the heat that you're going to
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    create from muscular exertion.
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    And that's fortunate, because we can put two electrodes on your palm
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    and measure the change in skin resistance produced by sweating.
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    So I can determine, when you're looking at something,
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    whether you're excited or whether you're aroused, or not, OK?
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    And I'll get to that in a minute.
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    So my idea was, when this chap looks at an object, when he looks at his --
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    any object for that matter, it goes to the visual areas and,
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    however, and it's processed in the fusiform gyrus,
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    and you recognize it as a pea plant, or a table,
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    or your mother, for that matter, OK?
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    And then the message cascades into the amygdala,
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    and then goes down the autonomic nervous system.
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    But maybe, in this chap, that wire that goes from the amygdala to the limbic system,
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    the emotional core of the brain, is cut by the accident.
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    So because the fusiform is intact,
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    the chap can still recognize his mother,
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    and says, "Oh yeah, this looks like my mother."
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    But because the wire is cut to the emotional centers,
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    he says, "But how come, if it's my mother, I don't experience a warmth?"
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    Or terror, as the case may be? Right?
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    (Laughter)
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    And therefore, he says, "How do I account for this inexplicable lack of emotions?
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    This can't be my mother.
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    It's some strange woman pretending to be my mother."
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    How do you test this?
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    Well, what you do is, if you take any one of you here, and put you in front of a screen,
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    and measure your galvanic skin response,
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    and show pictures on the screen,
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    I can measure how you sweat when you see an object,
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    like a table or an umbrella. Of course, you don't sweat.
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    If I show you a picture of a lion, or a tiger, or a pinup, you start sweating, right?
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    And, believe it or not, if I show you a picture of your mother --
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    I'm talking about normal people -- you start sweating.
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    You don't even have to be Jewish.
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    (Laughter)
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    Now, what happens if you show this patient?
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    You take the patient and show him pictures on the screen
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    and measure his galvanic skin response.
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    Tables and chairs and lint, nothing happens, as in normal people,
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    but when you show him a picture of his mother,
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    the galvanic skin response is flat.
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    There's no emotional reaction to his mother,
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    because that wire going from the visual areas to the emotional centers is cut.
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    So his vision is normal because the visual areas are normal,
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    his emotions are normal -- he'll laugh, he'll cry, so on and so forth --
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    but the wire from vision to emotions is cut
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    and therefore he has this delusion that his mother is an impostor.
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    It's a lovely example of the sort of thing we do:
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    take a bizarre, seemingly incomprehensible, neural psychiatric syndrome
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    and say that the standard Freudian view is wrong,
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    that, in fact, you can come up with a precise explanation
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    in terms of the known neural anatomy of the brain.
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    By the way, if this patient then goes,
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    and mother phones from an adjacent room -- phones him --
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    and he picks up the phone, and he says, "Wow, mom, how are you? Where are you?"
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    There's no delusion through the phone.
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    Then, she approaches him after an hour, he says, "Who are you?
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    You look just like my mother." OK?
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    The reason is there's a separate pathway
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    going from the hearing centers in the brain to the emotional centers,
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    and that's not been cut by the accident.
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    So this explains why through the phone he recognizes his mother, no problem.
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    When he sees her in person, he says it's an impostor.
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    OK, how is all this complex circuitry set up in the brain?
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    Is it nature, genes, or is it nurture?
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    And we approach this problem
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    by considering another curious syndrome called phantom limb.
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    And you all know what a phantom limb is.
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    When an arm is amputated, or a leg is amputated, for gangrene,
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    or you lose it in war -- for example, in the Iraq war,
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    it's now a serious problem --
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    you continue to vividly feel the presence of that missing arm,
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    and that's called a phantom arm or a phantom leg.
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    In fact, you can get a phantom with almost any part of the body.
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    Believe it or not, even with internal viscera.
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    I've had patients with the uterus removed -- hysterectomy --
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    who have a phantom uterus, including phantom menstrual cramps
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    at the appropriate time of the month.
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    And in fact, one student asked me the other day,
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    "Do they get phantom PMS?"
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    (Laughter)
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    A subject ripe for scientific enquiry, but we haven't pursued that.
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    OK, now the next question is,
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    what can you learn about phantom limbs by doing experiments?
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    One of the things we've found was,
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    about half the patients with phantom limbs
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    claim that they can move the phantom.
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    It'll pat his brother on the shoulder,
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    it'll answer the phone when it rings, it'll wave goodbye.
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    These are very compelling, vivid sensations.
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    The patient's not delusional.
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    He knows that the arm is not there,
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    but, nevertheless, it's a compelling sensory experience for the patient.
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    But however, about half the patients, this doesn't happen.
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    The phantom limb -- they'll say, "But doctor, the phantom limb is paralyzed.
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    It's fixed in a clenched spasm and it's excruciatingly painful.
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    If only I could move it, maybe the pain will be relieved."
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    Now, why would a phantom limb be paralyzed?
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    It sounds like an oxymoron.
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    But when we were looking at the case sheets, what we found was,
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    these people with the paralyzed phantom limbs,
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    the original arm was paralyzed because of the peripheral nerve injury.
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    The actual nerve supplying the arm was severed,
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    was cut, by say, a motorcycle accident.
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    So the patient had an actual arm, which is painful,
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    in a sling for a few months or a year, and then,
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    in a misguided attempt to get rid of the pain in the arm,
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    the surgeon amputates the arm,
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    and then you get a phantom arm with the same pains, right?
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    And this is a serious clinical problem.
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    Patients become depressed.
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    Some of them are driven to suicide, OK?
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    So, how do you treat this syndrome?
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    Now, why do you get a paralyzed phantom limb?
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    When I looked at the case sheet, I found that they had an actual arm,
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    and the nerves supplying the arm had been cut,
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    and the actual arm had been paralyzed,
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    and lying in a sling for several months before the amputation,
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    and this pain then gets carried over into the phantom itself.
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    Why does this happen?
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    When the arm was intact, but paralyzed,
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    the brain sends commands to the arm, the front of the brain, saying, "Move,"
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    but it's getting visual feedback saying, "No."
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    Move. No. Move. No. Move. No.
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    And this gets wired into the circuitry of the brain,
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    and we call this learned paralysis, OK?
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    The brain learns, because of this Hebbian, associative link,
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    that the mere command to move the arm
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    creates a sensation of a paralyzed arm.
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    And then, when you've amputated the arm,
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    this learned paralysis carries over into your body image
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    and into your phantom, OK?
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    Now, how do you help these patients?
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    How do you unlearn the learned paralysis,
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    so you can relieve him of this excruciating, clenching spasm
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    of the phantom arm?
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    Well, we said, what if you now send the command to the phantom,
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    but give him visual feedback that it's obeying his command, right?
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    Maybe you can relieve the phantom pain, the phantom cramp.
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    How do you do that? Well, virtual reality.
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    But that costs millions of dollars.
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    So, I hit on a way of doing this for three dollars,
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    but don't tell my funding agencies.
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    (Laughter)
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    OK? What you do is you create what I call a mirror box.
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    You have a cardboard box with a mirror in the middle,
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    and then you put the phantom -- so my first patient, Derek, came in.
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    He had his arm amputated 10 years ago.
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    He had a brachial avulsion, so the nerves were cut
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    and the arm was paralyzed, lying in a sling for a year, and then the arm was amputated.
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    He had a phantom arm, excruciatingly painful, and he couldn't move it.
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    It was a paralyzed phantom arm.
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    So he came there, and I gave him a mirror like that, in a box,
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    which I call a mirror box, right?
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    And the patient puts his phantom left arm,
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    which is clenched and in spasm, on the left side of the mirror,
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    and the normal hand on the right side of the mirror,
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    and makes the same posture, the clenched posture,
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    and looks inside the mirror. And what does he experience?
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    He looks at the phantom being resurrected,
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    because he's looking at the reflection of the normal arm in the mirror,
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    and it looks like this phantom has been resurrected.
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    "Now," I said, "now, look, wiggle your phantom --
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    your real fingers, or move your real fingers while looking in the mirror."
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    He's going to get the visual impression that the phantom is moving, right?
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    That's obvious, but the astonishing thing is,
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    the patient then says, "Oh my God, my phantom is moving again,
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    and the pain, the clenching spasm, is relieved."
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    And remember, my first patient who came in --
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    (Applause)
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    -- thank you. (Applause)
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    My first patient came in, and he looked in the mirror,
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    and I said, "Look at your reflection of your phantom."
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    And he started giggling, he says, "I can see my phantom."
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    But he's not stupid. He knows it's not real.
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    He knows it's a mirror reflection,
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    but it's a vivid sensory experience.
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    Now, I said, "Move your normal hand and phantom."
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    He said, "Oh, I can't move my phantom. You know that. It's painful."
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    I said, "Move your normal hand."
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    And he says, "Oh my God, my phantom is moving again. I don't believe this!
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    And my pain is being relieved." OK?
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    And then I said, "Close your eyes."
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    He closes his eyes.
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    "And move your normal hand."
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    "Oh, nothing. It's clenched again."
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    "OK, open your eyes."
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    "Oh my God, oh my God, it's moving again!"
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    So, he was like a kid in a candy store.
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    So, I said, OK, this proves my theory about learned paralysis
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    and the critical role of visual input,
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    but I'm not going to get a Nobel Prize
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    for getting somebody to move his phantom limb.
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    (Laughter)
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    (Applause)
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    It's a completely useless ability, if you think about it.
  • 15:01 - 15:02
    (Laughter)
  • 15:02 - 15:06
    But then I started realizing, maybe other kinds of paralysis
  • 15:06 - 15:11
    that you see in neurology, like stroke, focal dystonias --
  • 15:11 - 15:13
    there may be a learned component to this,
  • 15:13 - 15:16
    which you can overcome with the simple device of using a mirror.
  • 15:16 - 15:18
    So, I said, "Look, Derek" --
  • 15:18 - 15:21
    well, first of all, the guy can't just go around carrying a mirror to alleviate his pain --
  • 15:21 - 15:25
    I said, "Look, Derek, take it home and practice with it for a week or two.
  • 15:25 - 15:27
    Maybe, after a period of practice,
  • 15:27 - 15:29
    you can dispense with the mirror, unlearn the paralysis,
  • 15:29 - 15:31
    and start moving your paralyzed arm,
  • 15:31 - 15:33
    and then, relieve yourself of pain."
  • 15:33 - 15:35
    So he said OK, and he took it home.
  • 15:35 - 15:37
    I said, "Look, it's, after all, two dollars. Take it home."
  • 15:37 - 15:40
    So, he took it home, and after two weeks, he phones me,
  • 15:40 - 15:42
    and he said, "Doctor, you're not going to believe this."
  • 15:42 - 15:43
    I said, "What?"
  • 15:43 - 15:45
    He said, "It's gone."
  • 15:45 - 15:46
    I said, "What's gone?"
  • 15:46 - 15:48
    I thought maybe the mirror box was gone.
  • 15:48 - 15:49
    (Laughter)
  • 15:49 - 15:52
    He said, "No, no, no, you know this phantom I've had for the last 10 years?
  • 15:52 - 15:54
    It's disappeared."
  • 15:54 - 15:56
    And I said -- I got worried, I said, my God,
  • 15:56 - 15:58
    I mean I've changed this guy's body image,
  • 15:58 - 16:01
    what about human subjects, ethics and all of that?
  • 16:01 - 16:03
    And I said, "Derek, does this bother you?"
  • 16:03 - 16:06
    He said, "No, last three days, I've not had a phantom arm
  • 16:06 - 16:09
    and therefore no phantom elbow pain, no clenching,
  • 16:09 - 16:12
    no phantom forearm pain, all those pains are gone away.
  • 16:12 - 16:16
    But the problem is I still have my phantom fingers dangling from the shoulder,
  • 16:16 - 16:18
    and your box doesn't reach."
  • 16:18 - 16:19
    (Laughter)
  • 16:19 - 16:22
    "So, can you change the design and put it on my forehead,
  • 16:22 - 16:25
    so I can, you know, do this and eliminate my phantom fingers?"
  • 16:25 - 16:27
    He thought I was some kind of magician.
  • 16:27 - 16:28
    Now, why does this happen?
  • 16:28 - 16:31
    It's because the brain is faced with tremendous sensory conflict.
  • 16:31 - 16:34
    It's getting messages from vision saying the phantom is back.
  • 16:34 - 16:36
    On the other hand, there's no proprioception,
  • 16:36 - 16:40
    muscle signals saying that there is no arm, right?
  • 16:40 - 16:42
    And your motor command saying there is an arm,
  • 16:42 - 16:45
    and, because of this conflict, the brain says, to hell with it,
  • 16:45 - 16:48
    there is no phantom, there is no arm, right?
  • 16:48 - 16:50
    It goes into a sort of denial -- it gates the signals.
  • 16:50 - 16:54
    And when the arm disappears, the bonus is, the pain disappears
  • 16:54 - 16:58
    because you can't have disembodied pain floating out there, in space.
  • 16:58 - 17:00
    So, that's the bonus.
  • 17:00 - 17:02
    Now, this technique has been tried on dozens of patients
  • 17:02 - 17:04
    by other groups in Helsinki,
  • 17:04 - 17:07
    so it may prove to be valuable as a treatment for phantom pain,
  • 17:07 - 17:09
    and indeed, people have tried it for stroke rehabilitation.
  • 17:09 - 17:12
    Stroke you normally think of as damage to the fibers,
  • 17:12 - 17:14
    nothing you can do about it.
  • 17:14 - 17:19
    But, it turns out some component of stroke paralysis is also learned paralysis,
  • 17:19 - 17:22
    and maybe that component can be overcome using mirrors.
  • 17:22 - 17:24
    This has also gone through clinical trials,
  • 17:24 - 17:26
    helping lots and lots of patients.
  • 17:26 - 17:30
    OK, let me switch gears now to the third part of my talk,
  • 17:30 - 17:34
    which is about another curious phenomenon called synesthesia.
  • 17:34 - 17:37
    This was discovered by Francis Galton in the nineteenth century.
  • 17:37 - 17:39
    He was a cousin of Charles Darwin.
  • 17:39 - 17:41
    He pointed out that certain people in the population,
  • 17:41 - 17:45
    who are otherwise completely normal, had the following peculiarity:
  • 17:45 - 17:48
    every time they see a number, it's colored.
  • 17:48 - 17:52
    Five is blue, seven is yellow, eight is chartreuse,
  • 17:52 - 17:54
    nine is indigo, OK?
  • 17:54 - 17:57
    Bear in mind, these people are completely normal in other respects.
  • 17:57 - 18:00
    Or C sharp -- sometimes, tones evoke color.
  • 18:00 - 18:03
    C sharp is blue, F sharp is green,
  • 18:03 - 18:06
    another tone might be yellow, right?
  • 18:06 - 18:08
    Why does this happen?
  • 18:08 - 18:10
    This is called synesthesia. Galton called it synesthesia,
  • 18:10 - 18:12
    a mingling of the senses.
  • 18:12 - 18:14
    In us, all the senses are distinct.
  • 18:14 - 18:16
    These people muddle up their senses.
  • 18:16 - 18:17
    Why does this happen?
  • 18:17 - 18:19
    One of the two aspects of this problem are very intriguing.
  • 18:19 - 18:21
    Synesthesia runs in families,
  • 18:21 - 18:24
    so Galton said this is a hereditary basis, a genetic basis.
  • 18:24 - 18:28
    Secondly, synesthesia is about -- and this is what gets me to my point
  • 18:28 - 18:31
    about the main theme of this lecture, which is about creativity --
  • 18:31 - 18:36
    synesthesia is eight times more common among artists, poets, novelists
  • 18:36 - 18:39
    and other creative people than in the general population.
  • 18:39 - 18:40
    Why would that be?
  • 18:40 - 18:42
    I'm going to answer that question.
  • 18:42 - 18:44
    It's never been answered before.
  • 18:44 - 18:45
    OK, what is synesthesia? What causes it?
  • 18:45 - 18:46
    Well, there are many theories.
  • 18:46 - 18:48
    One theory is they're just crazy.
  • 18:48 - 18:51
    Now, that's not really a scientific theory, so we can forget about it.
  • 18:51 - 18:55
    Another theory is they are acid junkies and potheads, right?
  • 18:55 - 18:57
    Now, there may be some truth to this,
  • 18:57 - 18:59
    because it's much more common here in the Bay Area than in San Diego.
  • 18:59 - 19:00
    (Laughter)
  • 19:00 - 19:03
    OK. Now, the third theory is that --
  • 19:03 - 19:08
    well, let's ask ourselves what's really going on in synesthesia. All right?
  • 19:08 - 19:11
    So, we found that the color area and the number area
  • 19:11 - 19:14
    are right next to each other in the brain, in the fusiform gyrus.
  • 19:14 - 19:16
    So we said, there's some accidental cross wiring
  • 19:16 - 19:19
    between color and numbers in the brain.
  • 19:19 - 19:22
    So, every time you see a number, you see a corresponding color,
  • 19:22 - 19:24
    and that's why you get synesthesia.
  • 19:24 - 19:26
    Now remember -- why does this happen?
  • 19:26 - 19:28
    Why would there be crossed wires in some people?
  • 19:28 - 19:30
    Remember I said it runs in families?
  • 19:30 - 19:32
    That gives you the clue.
  • 19:32 - 19:34
    And that is, there is an abnormal gene,
  • 19:34 - 19:37
    a mutation in the gene that causes this abnormal cross wiring.
  • 19:37 - 19:39
    In all of us, it turns out
  • 19:39 - 19:43
    we are born with everything wired to everything else.
  • 19:43 - 19:46
    So, every brain region is wired to every other region,
  • 19:46 - 19:48
    and these are trimmed down to create
  • 19:48 - 19:51
    the characteristic modular architecture of the adult brain.
  • 19:51 - 19:53
    So, if there's a gene causing this trimming
  • 19:53 - 19:55
    and if that gene mutates,
  • 19:55 - 19:58
    then you get deficient trimming between adjacent brain areas.
  • 19:58 - 20:01
    And if it's between number and color, you get number-color synesthesia.
  • 20:01 - 20:04
    If it's between tone and color, you get tone-color synesthesia.
  • 20:04 - 20:06
    So far, so good.
  • 20:06 - 20:08
    Now, what if this gene is expressed everywhere in the brain,
  • 20:08 - 20:09
    so everything is cross-connected?
  • 20:09 - 20:15
    Well, think about what artists, novelists and poets have in common,
  • 20:15 - 20:18
    the ability to engage in metaphorical thinking,
  • 20:18 - 20:20
    linking seemingly unrelated ideas,
  • 20:20 - 20:23
    such as, "It is the east, and Juliet is the Sun."
  • 20:23 - 20:25
    Well, you don't say, Juliet is the sun,
  • 20:25 - 20:27
    does that mean she's a glowing ball of fire?
  • 20:27 - 20:30
    I mean, schizophrenics do that, but it's a different story, right?
  • 20:30 - 20:33
    Normal people say, she's warm like the sun,
  • 20:33 - 20:35
    she's radiant like the sun, she's nurturing like the sun.
  • 20:35 - 20:37
    Instantly, you've found the links.
  • 20:37 - 20:40
    Now, if you assume that this greater cross wiring
  • 20:40 - 20:43
    and concepts are also in different parts of the brain,
  • 20:43 - 20:46
    then it's going to create a greater propensity
  • 20:46 - 20:49
    towards metaphorical thinking and creativity
  • 20:49 - 20:51
    in people with synesthesia.
  • 20:51 - 20:54
    And, hence, the eight times more common incidence of synesthesia
  • 20:54 - 20:56
    among poets, artists and novelists.
  • 20:56 - 20:59
    OK, it's a very phrenological view of synesthesia.
  • 20:59 - 21:01
    The last demonstration -- can I take one minute?
  • 21:01 - 21:03
    (Applause)
  • 21:03 - 21:08
    OK. I'm going to show you that you're all synesthetes, but you're in denial about it.
  • 21:08 - 21:12
    Here's what I call Martian alphabet. Just like your alphabet,
  • 21:12 - 21:15
    A is A, B is B, C is C.
  • 21:15 - 21:18
    Different shapes for different phonemes, right?
  • 21:18 - 21:20
    Here, you've got Martian alphabet.
  • 21:20 - 21:22
    One of them is Kiki, one of them is Bouba.
  • 21:22 - 21:24
    Which one is Kiki and which one is Bouba?
  • 21:24 - 21:26
    How many of you think that's Kiki and that's Bouba? Raise your hands.
  • 21:26 - 21:28
    Well, it's one or two mutants.
  • 21:28 - 21:29
    (Laughter)
  • 21:29 - 21:31
    How many of you think that's Bouba, that's Kiki? Raise your hands.
  • 21:31 - 21:33
    Ninety-nine percent of you.
  • 21:33 - 21:35
    Now, none of you is a Martian. How did you do that?
  • 21:35 - 21:40
    It's because you're all doing a cross-model synesthetic abstraction,
  • 21:40 - 21:44
    meaning you're saying that that sharp inflection -- ki-ki,
  • 21:44 - 21:49
    in your auditory cortex, the hair cells being excited -- Kiki,
  • 21:49 - 21:52
    mimics the visual inflection, sudden inflection of that jagged shape.
  • 21:52 - 21:55
    Now, this is very important, because what it's telling you
  • 21:55 - 21:57
    is your brain is engaging in a primitive --
  • 21:57 - 21:59
    it's just -- it looks like a silly illusion,
  • 21:59 - 22:03
    but these photons in your eye are doing this shape,
  • 22:03 - 22:06
    and hair cells in your ear are exciting the auditory pattern,
  • 22:06 - 22:11
    but the brain is able to extract the common denominator.
  • 22:11 - 22:13
    It's a primitive form of abstraction,
  • 22:13 - 22:18
    and we now know this happens in the fusiform gyrus of the brain,
  • 22:18 - 22:19
    because when that's damaged,
  • 22:19 - 22:23
    these people lose the ability to engage in Bouba Kiki,
  • 22:23 - 22:25
    but they also lose the ability to engage in metaphor.
  • 22:25 - 22:29
    If you ask this guy, what -- "all that glitters is not gold,"
  • 22:29 - 22:31
    what does that mean?"
  • 22:31 - 22:33
    The patient says, "Well, if it's metallic and shiny, it doesn't mean it's gold.
  • 22:33 - 22:36
    You have to measure its specific gravity, OK?"
  • 22:36 - 22:39
    So, they completely miss the metaphorical meaning.
  • 22:39 - 22:42
    So, this area is about eight times the size in higher --
  • 22:42 - 22:45
    especially in humans -- as in lower primates.
  • 22:45 - 22:48
    Something very interesting is going on here in the angular gyrus,
  • 22:48 - 22:51
    because it's the crossroads between hearing, vision and touch,
  • 22:51 - 22:55
    and it became enormous in humans. And something very interesting is going on.
  • 22:55 - 22:58
    And I think it's a basis of many uniquely human abilities
  • 22:58 - 23:01
    like abstraction, metaphor and creativity.
  • 23:01 - 23:04
    All of these questions that philosophers have been studying for millennia,
  • 23:04 - 23:08
    we scientists can begin to explore by doing brain imaging,
  • 23:08 - 23:10
    and by studying patients and asking the right questions.
  • 23:10 - 23:12
    Thank you.
  • 23:12 - 23:13
    (Applause)
  • 23:13 - 23:14
    Sorry about that.
  • 23:14 - 23:15
    (Laughter)
Title:
3 clues to understanding your brain
Speaker:
VS Ramachandran
Description:

Vilayanur Ramachandran tells us what brain damage can reveal about the connection between celebral tissue and the mind, using three startling delusions as examples.

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Video Language:
English
Team:
closed TED
Project:
TEDTalks
Duration:
23:17

English subtitles

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