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What's really happening at the US-Mexico border -- and how we can do better

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    Twice a week,
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    I drive from my home near Tijuana, Mexico,
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    over the US border,
    to my office in San Diego.
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    The stark contrast between the poverty
    and desperation on one side of the border
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    and the conspicuous wealth on the other
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    always feels jarring.
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    But what makes this contrast
    feel even starker
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    is when I pass by the building
    that those of us who work on the border
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    unaffectionately refer to
    as the black hole.
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    The black hole is the Customs
    and Border Protection,
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    or CBP facility,
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    at the San Ysidro port of entry,
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    right next to a luxury outlet mall.
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    It's also where, at any one time,
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    there's likely 800 immigrants
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    locked in freezing, filthy,
    concrete cells below the building.
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    Up top: shopping bags and frappuccinos.
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    Downstairs: the reality
    of the US immigration system.
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    And it's where, one day
    in September of 2018,
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    I found myself trying to reach Anna,
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    a woman who CBP had recently separated
    from her seven-year-old son.
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    I'm an immigration attorney
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    and the policy and litigation director
    of Al Otro Lado,
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    a binational nonprofit helping immigrants
    on both sides of the US-Mexico border.
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    We'd met Anna several weeks earlier
    at our Tijuana office,
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    where she explained that she feared
    she and her son would be killed in Mexico.
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    So we prepared her for the process
    of turning herself over to CBP
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    to ask for asylum.
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    A few days after she'd gone
    to the port of entry to ask for help,
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    we received a frantic phone call
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    from her family members
    in the United States,
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    telling us that CBP officials
    had taken Anna's son from her.
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    Now, not that this should matter,
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    but I knew that Anna's son
    had special needs.
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    And once again,
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    this news filled me with the sense
    of panic and foreboding
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    that has unfortunately become
    a hallmark of my daily work.
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    I had a signed authorization
    to act as Anna's attorney,
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    so I rushed over to the port of entry
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    to see if I could speak with my client.
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    Not only would CBP officials
    not let me speak to Anna,
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    but they wouldn't even tell me
    if she was there.
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    I went from supervisor to supervisor,
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    begging to submit evidence
    of Anna's son's special needs,
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    but no one would even
    talk to me about the case.
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    It felt surreal to watch
    the shoppers strolling idly by
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    what felt like a life-and-death situation.
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    After several hours
    of being stonewalled by CBP,
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    I left.
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    Several days later,
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    I found Anna's son
    in the foster-care system.
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    But I didn't know what happened to Anna
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    until over a week later,
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    when she turned up
    at a detention camp a few miles east.
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    Now, Anna didn't have a criminal record,
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    and she followed the law
    when asking for asylum.
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    Still, immigration officials
    held her for three more months,
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    until we could win her release
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    and help her reunify with her son.
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    Anna's story is not
    the only story I could tell you.
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    There's Mateo, an 18-month-old boy,
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    who was ripped from his father's arms
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    and sent to a government shelter
    thousands of miles away,
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    where they failed
    to properly bathe him for months.
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    There's Amadou,
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    an unaccompanied African child,
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    who was held with adults for 28 days
    in CBP's horrific facilities.
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    Most disturbingly, there's Maria,
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    a pregnant refugee who begged
    for medical attention for eight hours
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    before she miscarried in CBP custody.
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    CBP officials held her
    for three more weeks
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    before they sent her back to Mexico,
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    where she is being forced to wait months
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    for an asylum hearing
    in the United States.
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    Seeing these horrors
    day in and day out has changed me.
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    I used to be fun at parties,
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    but now, I inevitably
    find myself telling people
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    about how our government
    tortures refugees at the border
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    and in the detention camps.
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    Now, people try to change the subject
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    and congratulate me for the great work
    I'm doing in helping people like Anna.
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    But I don't know
    how to make them understand
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    that unless they start fighting,
    harder than they ever thought possible,
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    we don't know which of us
    will be the next to suffer Anna's fate.
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    Trump's mass separations
    of refugee families
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    at the southern border
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    shocked the conscience of the world
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    and woke many to the cruelties
    of the US immigration system.
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    It seems like today,
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    more people than ever are involved
    in the fight for immigrant rights.
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    But unfortunately, the situation
    is just not getting better.
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    Thousands protested
    to end family separations,
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    but the government
    is still separating families.
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    More than 900 children
    have been taken from their parents
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    since June of 2018.
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    Thousands more refugee children
    have been taken from their grandparents,
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    siblings and other
    family members at the border.
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    Since 2017,
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    at least two dozen people have died
    in immigration custody.
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    And more will die, including children.
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    Now, we lawyers can
    and will keep filing lawsuits
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    to stop the government
    from brutalizing our clients,
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    but we can't keep tinkering
    around the edges of the law
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    if we want migrants
    to be treated humanely.
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    This administration would have you believe
    that we have to separate families
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    and we have to detain children,
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    because it will stop more refugees
    from coming to our borders.
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    But we know that this isn't true.
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    In fact, in 2019,
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    the number of apprehensions
    at our southern border
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    has actually gone up.
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    And we tell people
    every day at the border,
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    "If you seek asylum in the United States,
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    you risk family separation,
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    and you risk being detained indefinitely."
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    But for many of them,
    the alternative is even worse.
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    People seek refuge in the United States
    for a lot of different reasons.
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    In Tijuana, we've met refugees
    from over 50 countries,
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    speaking 14 different languages.
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    We meet LGBT migrants
    from all over the world
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    who have never been in a country
    in which they feel safe.
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    We meet women from all over the world
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    whose own governments
    refuse to protect them
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    from brutal domestic violence
    or repressive social norms.
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    Of course, we meet
    Central American families
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    who are fleeing gang violence.
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    But we also meet Russian dissidents,
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    Venezuelan activists,
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    Christians from China, Muslims from China,
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    and thousands and thousands
    of other refugees
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    fleeing all types
    of persecution and torture.
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    Now, a lot of these people
    would qualify as refugees
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    under the international legal definition.
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    The Refugee Convention
    was created after World War II
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    to give protection to people
    fleeing persecution
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    based on their race, religion,
    nationality, political opinion
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    or membership
    in a particular social group.
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    But even those who would be refugees
    under the international definition
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    are not going to win asylum
    in the United States.
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    And that's because since 2017,
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    the US Attorneys General have made
    sweeping changes to asylum law,
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    to make sure that less people qualify
    for protection in the United States.
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    Now these laws are mostly aimed
    at Central Americans
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    and keeping them out of the country,
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    but they affect other types
    of refugees as well.
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    The result is that the US
    frequently deports refugees
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    to their persecution and death.
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    The US is also using detention
    to try to deter refugees
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    and make it harder for them
    to win their cases.
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    Today, there are over 55,000 immigrants
    detained in the United States,
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    many in remote detention facilities,
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    far from any type of legal help.
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    And this is very important.
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    Because it's civil
    and not criminal detention,
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    there is no public defender system,
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    so most detained immigrants
    are not going to have an attorney
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    to help them with their cases.
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    An immigrant who has an attorney
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    is up to 10 times more likely
    to win their case
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    than one who doesn't.
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    And as you've seen, I hate
    to be the bearer of bad news,
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    but the situation is even worse
    for refugee families today
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    than it was during family separation.
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    Since January of 2019,
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    the US has implemented a policy
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    that's forced over 40,000 refugees
    to wait in Mexico
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    for asylum hearings in the United States.
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    These refugees, many of whom are families,
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    are trapped in some of the most
    dangerous cities in the world,
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    where they're being raped, kidnapped
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    and extorted by criminal groups.
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    And if they survive for long enough
    to make it to their asylum hearing,
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    less than one percent of them
    are able to find an attorney
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    to help them with their cases.
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    The US government will point
    to the lowest asylum approval rates
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    to argue that these people
    are not really refugees,
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    when in fact, US asylum law
    is an obstacle course
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    designed to make them fail.
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    Now not every migrant
    at the border is a refugee.
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    I meet plenty of economic migrants.
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    For example, people who want to go
    to the United States to work,
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    to pay medical bills for a parent
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    or school fees for a child back home.
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    Increasingly, I'm also meeting
    climate refugees.
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    In particular, I'm meeting
    a lot of indigenous Central Americans
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    who can no longer
    sustain themselves by farming,
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    due to catastrophic drought in the region.
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    We know that today,
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    people are migrating
    because of climate change,
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    and that more will do so in the future,
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    but we simply don't have a legal system
    to deal with this type of migration.
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    So, it would make sense, as a start,
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    to expand the refugee definition
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    to include climate refugees, for example.
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    But those of us in a position
    to advocate for those changes
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    are too busy suing our government
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    to keep the meager legal protections
    that refugees enjoy under the current law.
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    And we are exhausted,
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    and it's almost too late to help.
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    And we know now
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    that this isn't America's problem alone.
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    From Australia's brutal
    offshore detention camps
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    to Italy's criminalization of aid
    to migrants drowning in the Mediterranean,
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    first-world countries
    have gone to deadly lengths
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    to keep refugees from reaching our shores.
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    But they've done more
    than restrict the refugee definition.
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    They've created parallel,
    fascist-style legal systems
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    in which migrants have none of the rights
    that form the basis of a democracy,
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    the alleged foundation of the countries
    in which they're seeking refuge.
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    History shows us that the first group
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    to be vilified and stripped
    of their rights is rarely the last,
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    and many Americans and Europeans
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    seem to accept an opaque
    and unjust legal system for noncitizens,
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    because they think they are immune.
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    But eventually,
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    these authoritarian ideals bleed over
    and affect citizens as well.
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    I learned this firsthand
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    when the US government placed me
    on an illegal watch list
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    for my work helping
    immigrants at the border.
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    One day, in January of 2019,
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    I was leaving my office in San Diego
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    and crossing the border
    to go back to my home in Mexico.
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    Mexican officials, although they had
    given me a valid visa,
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    stopped me and told me
    that I couldn't enter the country
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    because a foreign government
    had placed a travel alert on my passport,
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    designating me
    as a national security risk.
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    I was detained and interrogated
    in a filthy room for hours.
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    I begged the Mexican officials
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    to let me go back to Mexico
    and pick up my son,
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    who was only 10 months old at the time.
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    But they refused,
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    and instead, they turned me over
    to CBP officials,
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    where I was forced back
    into the United States.
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    It took me weeks to get another visa
    so that I could go back to Mexico,
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    and I went to the border, visa in hand.
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    But again, I was detained and interrogated
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    because there was still
    a travel alert on my passport.
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    Shortly after,
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    leaked internal CBP documents
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    confirmed that my own government
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    had been complicit in issuing
    this travel alert against me.
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    And since then, I haven't traveled
    to any other countries,
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    because I'm afraid I'll be detained
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    and deported from those countries as well.
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    These travel restrictions, detentions
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    and separation from my infant son
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    are things I never thought
    I would experience as a US citizen,
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    but I'm far from the only person
    being criminalized for helping immigrants.
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    The US and other countries
    have made it a crime to save lives,
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    and those of us who are simply
    trying to do our jobs
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    are being forced to choose
    between our humanity and our freedom.
  • 11:45 - 11:47
    And the thing that makes me so desperate
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    is that all of you
    are facing the same choice,
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    but you don't understand it yet.
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    And I know there are
    good people out there.
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    I saw thousands of you in the streets,
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    protesting family separation.
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    And that largely helped
    bring about an end to the official policy.
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    But we know that the government
    is still separating children.
  • 12:06 - 12:09
    And things are actually getting worse.
  • 12:09 - 12:11
    Today, the US government
    is fighting for the right
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    to detain refugee children
    indefinitely in prison camps.
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    This isn't over.
  • 12:17 - 12:20
    We cannot allow ourselves
    to become numb or look away.
  • 12:21 - 12:23
    Those of us who are citizens of countries
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    whose policies cause detention,
    separation and death,
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    need to very quickly decide
    which side we're on.
  • 12:30 - 12:35
    We need to demand that our laws respect
    the inherent dignity of all human beings,
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    especially refugees
    seeking help at our borders,
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    but including economic migrants
    and climate refugees.
  • 12:43 - 12:46
    We need to demand
    that refugees get a fair shot
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    at seeking protection in our countries
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    by ensuring that they have
    access to council
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    and by creating independent courts
  • 12:52 - 12:55
    that are not subject
    to the political whims of the president.
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    I know it's overwhelming,
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    and I know this sounds cliché, but ...
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    we need to call
    our elected representatives
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    and demand these changes.
  • 13:06 - 13:08
    I know you've heard this before,
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    but have you made the call?
  • 13:10 - 13:12
    We know these calls make a difference.
  • 13:13 - 13:17
    The dystopian immigration systems
    being built up in first-world countries
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    are a test of citizens
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    to see how far you're willing
    to let the government go
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    in taking away other people's rights
    when you think it won't happen to you.
  • 13:27 - 13:30
    But when you let the government
    take people's children
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    without due process
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    and detain people indefinitely
    without access to council,
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    you are failing the test.
  • 13:37 - 13:39
    What's happening to immigrants now
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    is a preview of where we're all headed
    if we fail to act.
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    Thank you.
  • 13:45 - 13:50
    (Applause)
Title:
What's really happening at the US-Mexico border -- and how we can do better
Speaker:
Erika Pinheiro
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
English
Team:
closed TED
Project:
TEDTalks
Duration:
14:03

English subtitles

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