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    Greeting troublemakers... welcome to Trouble.
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    My name is not important.
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    Right up there with slavery,
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    the Crusades, the colonization of the Americas,
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    and Nickleback's most recent album,
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    No Fixed Address,
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    World War Two ranks pretty high on any person's
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    list of the worst things that human beings
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    have ever done.
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    It was a horrific slaughter
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    marked by the wholesale flattening of entire cities,
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    an unprecedented global death toll,
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    and the worst atrocities ever committed
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    on European soil.
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    And so it's not surprising that by the time
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    the smoke had cleared
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    the political ideology that kicked things off,
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    facism, had become a nearly universal
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    synonym for pure, absolute evil.
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    But while fascism has struggled with a serious branding issue
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    ever since, the ideas and material factors that led
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    to its initial rise never truly disappeared.
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    Today, with the neoliberal capitalist order
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    in a period of intense crisis, fascism is once again
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    being spoken about as a serious threat.
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    The revival of far-right nationalism,
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    white supremacy, misogyny and other toxic reactionary ideologies
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    has, in turn, provoked renewed enthusiasm for anti-fascist, or antifa organizing.
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    If we hope to build on this momentum,
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    it is vitally important that we move past using fascist as a pejorative,
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    or a slur for our political opponents,
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    and instead seek a better understanding of just what it is that we're up against.
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    Over the next thirty minutes, we'll bring you the voices of
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    a diverse crew of anti-fascist and anti-racist organizers,
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    as they share their experiences of bashing the fash,
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    and making a whole lotta trouble.
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    Hail Trump! Hail our people!
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    Hail victory!
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    It's a highly debated question about how you define fascism,
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    and there's a lot kind of at stake here,
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    because when we label a movement as a fascist movement,
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    it means that we, from the very beginning,
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    aren't going to engage with it intellectually,
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    we're not gonna engage with its arguments,
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    and furthermore, it's acceptable to use violence
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    to suppress the movement.
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    For decades the left has really defined
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    fascism as how the state responds
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    to capitalism in crisis.
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    The capitalist system, when there's a crisis,
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    uses right-wing or fascism to fight
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    social and left-wing movements.
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    Fascism is an ideology that's inherently reactionary
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    and authoritarian.
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    As anarchists and communists,
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    we consider fascism as counter-revolution,
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    the exact opposite of what we are fighting for.
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    It's a political movement, which seeks to
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    destroy its political opponents through force,
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    and therefore we must resist it by any means necessary.
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    Fascism, I would define as a
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    authoritarian, reactionary, nationalist movement,
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    rooted in an idea that there is a conspiracy
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    against the white man,
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    there's a conspiracy against western civilization.
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    There is a need for a street movement,
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    aimed at their political enemies,
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    so the left and minorities,
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    and social groups seeking liberation.
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    People basically fighting back
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    whether it's the working class as a whole,
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    groups that are oppressed under white supremacy,
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    women trying to fight back
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    against patriarchy,
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    these are seen as the extreme social ills
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    that their movement has to face
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    and defeat in order for them to
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    get to where they want to go.
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    Contemporarily, it seems like
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    pretty much everything is considered fascism
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    depending on who it is you ask.
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    The left and the right
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    both characterize each other as fascist...
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    which is.... interesting.
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    There's many kinds of fascism,
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    just like there are different kinds of
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    socialism, anarchism or communism.
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    But they all share similar qualities of
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    being extremely authoritarian,
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    nationalistic, and ultimately based on
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    preserving hierarchies of class, race and gender.
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    A fourteen-year-old girl in Rockville Maryland,
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    was raped in a highschool bathroom by
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    two men, allegedly in this country illegally.
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    The way in which migrants are
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    kind of being scapegoated by the mainstream media,
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    by the government, by the ruling class essentially,
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    and fascists, they see an opportunity in this
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    and also push those agendas and push forward
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    that kind of racist, anti-migrant rhetoric in order to
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    fuel their political agenda
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    which is to destroy any
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    working-class resistance
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    and any left-wing organizing.
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    I think there's a real mistake to see
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    fascism as a list of principles
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    that could be applied to
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    any kind of political movement in any kind of country
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    in any time period.
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    It's an actual real living political movement.
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    I think part of the problem is
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    with asking "is something fascist?" or
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    "are we in fascism?" is
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    is this the worst thing that could possibly exist?
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    And I think that as a conceit
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    is really ham-fisted,
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    especially for North Americans.
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    Arguably, the United States
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    wouldn't have a worse history
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    and Canada wouldn't have had a worse history
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    if overt fascists were at the helm.
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    I just, like... I fail to see it,
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    and I think it negates the horror
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    of North America
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    by claiming that it could have somehow been worse.
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    In Canada and in the United States,
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    the basis of these countries are racist.
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    It was forged through the mass genocide
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    of its Indigenous people,
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    and through slavery, which has built
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    what we know today as America.
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    I think the actual functions of
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    white supremacy, patriarchy,
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    authoritarianism, settler-colonialism,
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    within North America should be
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    understood more deeply as it actually
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    exists.... and not in comparison with
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    other places.
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    Hardline fascist movements are fairly similar in
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    the United States and in Europe.
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    The main difference is the concept of identity
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    that the fascist movements are standing up for.
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    In the United States, our identities are mostly
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    defined by the category of race.
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    We're a settler nation, people were brought here
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    against their will, of various racial groups.
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    And white supremacy is a way to break that
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    possible class solidarity, against the people
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    that own and control the society.
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    In Europe this notion of race
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    doesn't exist in the same way.
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    And so the fascist and the other far-right entho-nationalist movements
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    tend to define themselves tightly around their country of origin.
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    If you look at, arguably, how the Irish were internalized into
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    the American nation
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    after the end of slavery, you can see how
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    the roots of whiteness are very different
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    than say, somewhere in like Italy,
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    where you have now, the Northern League,
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    who argues that, y'know,
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    only the north are proper Italians,
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    and are white.
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    And the south of Italy
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    are not white.
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    And that distinction wouldn't be made
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    in America.
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    So in Europe, the fascist parties have always looked
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    for a racialized understanding of class politics.
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    They reject communist or anarchist critiques of class society
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    and instead they replace that with a racialized ruling class
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    which is always "the jews" or maybe it's thinly-veiled anti-semitism,
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    like the globalists.
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    Fascist groups in America, make that enemy
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    into the immigrant, into the Black Lives Matter activist,
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    into the refugee.
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    Not the people that actually own and control society,
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    or the people that are basically turning the gears,
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    like landlords, politicians, police officers...
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    y'know, people in control of the prison industry.
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    And that's always really what fascism in the US
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    has always tried to do.
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    Y'know it's always tried to make enemies
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    out of people below white workers.
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    And as we can see with Trump.... I mean, that sells.
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    American novelist Sinclair Lewis
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    is often quoted as predicting
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    "when fascism comes to America,
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    it'll be wrapped in the flag
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    and carrying a cross."
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    Pretty good as far as guesses go...
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    but as it turns out, it was Pepe the frog memes.
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    Yup, we live in strange times.
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    But sure enough, it was a Pepe pin
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    on the lapel of posh alt-right theorist
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    and unrequited Depeche Mode groupie,
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    Richard Spencer, when he was righteously
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    clocked on the streets of Washington DC,
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    during Donald Trump's inauguration.
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    This haymaker heard 'round the world
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    titillated radicals and liberals alike, spawning
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    dozens of hilarious Youtube remixes.
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    I know I've probably watched the clip about a hundred times.
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    While Spencer himself can trace his political pedigree back to
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    the Italian fascist theorists of yesteryear,
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    the broader movement he belongs to is somewhat more politically diverse,
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    and thoroughly contemporary.
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    Today's reactionary movements are the toxic byproducts
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    of our particular time and place,
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    an age characterized by widespread chaos and insecurity on one hand,
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    and the mass proliferation of social media, on the other.
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    This is the world we live in.
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    And it's an ideal breeding ground
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    for a new brand of fascism.
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    So a lot of far-right groups are different
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    than maybe traditional conservative groups.
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    Far-right and especially fascist movements
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    tend to be much more revolutionary and messianic.
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    They don't just want to keep society stable,
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    they wanna restructure it in their vision.
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    So it started with, uh, this guy, Richard Spencer. Boop.
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    He came up with the name alt-right, alternative right,
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    and I like this guy.
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    The alternative right is a rebranding of
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    paleoconservatism, white nationalism,
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    all these different things.
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    They started as a fascist movement, I think pretty clearly.
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    They emerged at a time when the fascist movement was
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    resetting itself in its aesthetic and cultural references.
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    One of the things they've been able to do
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    is they're saying "look, we look good,
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    we have nice haircuts, we're not these kinda classical skinhead types
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    or people wearing klan robes, y'know, we're something different"
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    and the media has really gone gaga over that.
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    You remind me of like a young, gay, alive Christopher Hitchens.
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    Even among the fascist part of the alt-right
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    there's a more neo-nazi wing around Andrew Anglin
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    and the Daily Stormer.
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    The Muslim hordes, we've fought these people for how long?
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    And now we invite them in?
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    And give them free everything so they can rape women on the streets?
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    And then there's the more fascist, but not explicitly nazi wing
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    around the National Policy Institute and Richard Spencer.
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    To be white is to be a striver, a crusader, an explorer and a conqueror.
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    We don't exploit other groups.
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    They need us and not the other way around.
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    The alt-right scene, I suppose, is a bit of a gateway into
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    kind of more violent and extreme fascism.
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    Recently the movement has expanded
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    and attracted a lot of people.
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    So we get people like Gavin Mcinnes,
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    who is one of the founders of VICE magazine.
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    Why is blackface offensive?
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    And people who promote it, such as Milo Yiannopoulos.
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    This is a new populist conservative and libertarian movement,
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    that is going nowhere, so long as the left continues
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    to prioritize Muslim feelings over gay lives.
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    So long as the left continues to prioritize the feelings of
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    sociopathic feminist bitches over everybody else.
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    Milo! Milo! Milo!
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    The group that they want to inoculate and organize
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    is largely college-educated, upper-middle-class, straight men.
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    People who are very social media savvy,
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    people who are very tech-savvy.
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    They love their memes.
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    Groups like American Vanguard and Identity Evropa
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    are blanketing campuses across the country with posters.
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    And so it's attracted a lot of people in college Republican groups
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    who are not explicit white nationalists, but they like a lot
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    of the tenor and the style of the alt-right.
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    If you look at Richard Spencer, just this week
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    it's come out that he makes literally millions of dollars every year
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    because his parents own a cotton farm in Louisiana
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    in this hugely impoverished area of the country.
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    And that's a huge contradiction because
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    most white people are not wealthy in this country.
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    Most white people have to get up and go to work.
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    They don't get money from their parents for owning
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    a cotton plantation where black people used to work
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    as slaves and that's why they're rich.
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    It's a very fractured group, there's not necessarily a center to it.
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    They're not united and they all kinda bicker with each other.
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    And that's exactly where we want them to stay.
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    This side cares about western chauvinism and ideas.
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    This side says whites have to be a part of this.
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    Someone like Roosh V, who self-identifies as a pick-up artist,
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    he's a real piece of shit who wrote an article about raping an Icelandic woman.
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    You've also got members of the alt-right scene who use
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    the myth of the "rapeugee".
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    So the refugee, who is a danger to our women.
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    So they're still incredibly gender essentialist notions of womanhood,
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    but they'd be at odds with, for example, someone who boasts about raping women.
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    Matthew Heimbach has definitely ridden the wave of the alt-right.
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    But what makes Heimbach different is that he is interested,
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    even though he himself comes from a very wealthy community
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    outside of Washington DC, it's called Poolesville,
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    he's very interested in talking to everyday, poor and disaffected white people
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    and trying to build a neo-nazi base within that.
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    The Traditionalist Worker Party, they're very open
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    that they are neo-nazi.
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    The patriot movement is the successor to the 1990s militia movement
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    who are famous for forming paramilitary groups around the United States
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    and two of its adherents bombing the Oklahoma City federal building in 1995.
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    The movement historically tends to be in a reverse cycle
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    with Democratic presidents.
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    They have a whole narrative about how the president is really a communist
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    who's a secret traitor to the country, and he's about to let
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    foreign armies invade.
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    The major organization is the Oathkeepers.
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    They recruit current and former military, police and first responders.
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    There's another group of sheriffs and other law enforcement called
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    the CSPOA, the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association.
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    There's a decentralized version of militias called the 3 Percenters,
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    and then there's sovereign citizens, who believe in some of these
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    sort of alternative legal theories...
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    based on a kind of crackpot reading of the law and of history.
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    A free inhabitant is-is-is... they are allowed to...
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    they are free people. They have all of the rights of a US citizen
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    without following any of their laws.
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    - Well that would just be pure anarchy if that was the case.
    - Nope.
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    Breitbart is interesting because it's become a major media player fairly recently
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    and it has positioned itself firmly to the right of FOX News.
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    And so this has helped drive things further to the right,
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    and then clearly with their former head being in the Trump cabinet now,
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    they're almost acting as a semi-official media wing of the current Trump administration.
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    People hear stuff from the insurgent far-right about, for instance like
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    Syrian refugees in Sweden raping white women, which is not true.
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    And then Trump basically parrots these things, or speaks to them,
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    or dog-whistles to them or just repeats them as fact.
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    It's not about truth. It's about projecting force into the conversation.
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    It's about saying "No... fuck you, it's about refugees."
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    Or "Fuck you, it's about men being attacked in society by feminism."
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    So it creates this kind of potential insurgent base,
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    and I think that's the scariest part.
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    Historically, anarchists and anti-authoritarians have always been
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    at the forefront of anti-fascist resistance,
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    and over the decades we have experienced our share of both victories and defeats.
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    On the eve of the Second World War, anarchists in Spain and Catalonia
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    responded to a fascist coup d'etat against the sitting republican government
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    by launching a far-ranging social revolution.
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    After nearly three years of bloody civil war,
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    General Francisco Franco's fascist army won out
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    and tens of thousands of anarchists were summarily executed or forced into exile.
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    Despite its tragic outcome, the Spanish Revolution remains, to this day,
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    an unparalleled example of mass working-class resistance to fascism.
  • 15:03 - 15:05
    Anarchists also fought against fascist thugs
  • 15:05 - 15:09
    within the broader struggles waged by autonomists, feminists and militant youth movements
  • 15:09 - 15:11
    in Italy throughout the 1960s and 70s,
  • 15:11 - 15:13
    and in Germany during the 70s and 80s,
  • 15:13 - 15:17
    where the black bloc first emerged as a militant tactical formation.
  • 15:17 - 15:20
    These struggles also had an important influence on Greece,
  • 15:20 - 15:25
    where for years now, when anarchists haven't have been lighting cops on fire with Molotov cocktails,
  • 15:25 - 15:27
    they've been beating the crap out of members and supporters of
  • 15:27 - 15:30
    the country's main fascist party, Golden Dawn.
  • 15:30 - 15:33
    On March 30th, a crew of about 30 antifascists
  • 15:33 - 15:35
    attacked Golden Dawn's main headquarters,
  • 15:35 - 15:39
    located in one of the most heavily-guarded areas of downtown Athens.
  • 15:39 - 15:41
    Anarchists have also set up dozens of squatted social centres
  • 15:41 - 15:43
    and buildings to house refugees,
  • 15:43 - 15:46
    and have helped to defend migrants from fascist paramilitary attacks.
  • 15:46 - 15:51
    In December of 2016, a group of western anarchists and anti-authoritarians
  • 15:51 - 15:54
    fighting in Northern Syria joined forces under the banner of
  • 15:54 - 15:58
    the Antifascist Internationalist Tabur, or AIT, claiming inspiration from
  • 15:58 - 16:01
    the international volunteers who fought in the Spanish civil war.
  • 16:01 - 16:04
    Of course, you don't have to travel across the world
  • 16:04 - 16:06
    to fight against reactionary politics.
  • 16:06 - 16:09
    In order to be effective, it's important that anti-fascists and anti-racists
  • 16:09 - 16:12
    be rooted in the communities in which they live,
  • 16:12 - 16:15
    and where fascists and other reactionaries will attempt to recruit.
  • 16:15 - 16:18
    I joined Anti-Racist action when I was 15, I think.
  • 16:18 - 16:23
    The Toronto chapter was a sizable chapter within a broader network
  • 16:23 - 16:26
    of ARA chapters that were organized city-by-city.
  • 16:26 - 16:31
    The intention of ARA was to expose, oppose and confront
  • 16:31 - 16:34
    racist and right-wing organizations and organizing.
  • 16:34 - 16:37
    In Toronto that took on various forms.
  • 16:37 - 16:42
    Sometimes it was very physical, other times it was not.
  • 16:42 - 16:44
    Sometimes it was skinheads.
  • 16:44 - 16:47
    Many times it was Christian Right organizations,
  • 16:47 - 16:51
    anti-choice organizations, anti-Native organizations,
  • 16:51 - 16:53
    and those politics generally were also grappled with
  • 16:53 - 16:58
    within a cultural engagement with broader sectors
  • 16:58 - 17:00
    of the population within Toronto.
  • 17:00 - 17:02
    So there was an attempt to develop
  • 17:02 - 17:05
    an anti-racist, feminist, anti-colonial politics.
  • 17:05 - 17:08
    It was mostly comprised of youth, and much of that
  • 17:08 - 17:12
    cultural engagement revolved around sub-cultural groupings.
  • 17:12 - 17:16
    So within the punk scene, sometimes within the hip-hop scene,
  • 17:16 - 17:18
    within the electronic music scene.
  • 17:18 - 17:20
    That was where the politics were disseminated.
  • 17:20 - 17:27
    Before I joined Toronto had a sizable on-the-ground white supremacist presence.
  • 17:27 - 17:31
    A physical struggle took place on the street for who held sway
  • 17:31 - 17:33
    and essentially the anti-racists won.
  • 17:33 - 17:38
    There were areas of Toronto that were declared no-go zones for white supremacists.
  • 17:38 - 17:45
    Nazis out! Nazis out! Nazis out!
  • 17:45 - 17:49
    Districts in Toronto that white supremacists were already in were declared no-go zones,
  • 17:49 - 17:52
    and then they were established to be no-go zones.
  • 17:52 - 17:54
    Then those districts were used as bases of operation
  • 17:54 - 17:57
    and then more districts were established across the city.
  • 17:57 - 18:00
    It was a process that took several years and was a lot of work
  • 18:00 - 18:04
    and at times very dangerous, but it was successful.
  • 18:04 - 18:07
    Then the question became: "what do you do with that success?"
  • 18:07 - 18:12
    And ARA continued. It adapted, but it essentially kept the same methods
  • 18:12 - 18:13
    and the same strategy.
  • 18:13 - 18:16
    And then that method and that strategy became less and less applicable
  • 18:16 - 18:18
    and it slowly petered out.
  • 18:18 - 18:21
    One of the unfortunate things of it petering out
  • 18:21 - 18:23
    was that it left very little legacy.
  • 18:23 - 18:27
    And it seems as though people are making it up anew
  • 18:27 - 18:31
    because, frankly, we left nothing behind for them to review.
  • 18:31 - 18:35
    Alerta! Alerta! Anti-fascista!
  • 18:35 - 18:37
    RASH has several groups all over the world
  • 18:37 - 18:39
    in different countries, in different cities.
  • 18:39 - 18:43
    Montreal RASH has been here since the 90s
  • 18:43 - 18:46
    to fight against the right-wing politics that were
  • 18:46 - 18:48
    infiltrated into the skinhead movement.
  • 18:48 - 18:52
    Collectively or individually, people in RASH do participate
  • 18:52 - 18:55
    in different struggles, either it be syndicalist,
  • 18:55 - 19:00
    feminist, in queer communities, anti-gentrification, for immigration rights.
  • 19:00 - 19:04
    We want to create a culture of anti-fascism in our subculture
  • 19:04 - 19:09
    to show that Montreal is red, we are here and fascism
  • 19:09 - 19:12
    and racism does not have its place here.
  • 19:15 - 19:19
    The Montreal Sisterhood is a non-mixed collective
  • 19:19 - 19:23
    formed by people who identify themselves as women.
  • 19:23 - 19:28
    It was born when we made a reflection about the place
  • 19:28 - 19:32
    of women in our scene, in the anti-fascist movement,
  • 19:32 - 19:37
    and our goal is to create feminine and feminist solidarity
  • 19:37 - 19:39
    in our movement.
  • 19:39 - 19:45
    We organize self-defense workshops, screenings, reading circles,
  • 19:45 - 19:52
    and we really try to bring forward feminist issues in our scene.
  • 19:52 - 19:56
    Our links with RASH are really good. We work together a lot.
  • 19:56 - 19:59
    Some girls are members of both organizations.
  • 19:59 - 20:03
    We could say that we are brother and sister organizations for sure.
  • 20:12 - 20:14
    Well I've been in LAF for a couple of years now.
  • 20:14 - 20:18
    When I initially joined, there was quite a low level of far-right activity.
  • 20:18 - 20:23
    Our group was established as the English Defense League was splintering.
  • 20:23 - 20:27
    That's kind of affected the organizational structure of London Anti-fascists.
  • 20:27 - 20:32
    We originally saw ourselves as the militant leading edge of a much wider
  • 20:32 - 20:38
    anti-fascist movement that would be led by traditional groups like Unite Against Fascism.
  • 20:38 - 20:43
    However, these groups have pretty much wound up, as the far-right has splintered.
  • 20:43 - 20:47
    Our response to the way in which we confront and combat fascism
  • 20:47 - 20:51
    has to change with the way in which the political climate is changing.
  • 20:51 - 20:54
    We still consider ourselves a militant anti-fascist group,
  • 20:54 - 20:58
    but we are now the main anti-fascist mobilizing force in London.
  • 20:58 - 21:02
    We consistently out-mobilize other more mainstream groups,
  • 21:02 - 21:06
    with a more radical, more direct action-oriented message.
  • 21:06 - 21:10
    We use an anarcho-syndicalist model of organizing.
  • 21:10 - 21:13
    It's actually really effective. It means that we're always accountable to one another.
  • 21:13 - 21:19
    We attempt to push a demonstration that we've called in a certain direction.
  • 21:19 - 21:22
    And having a really strong organizational base means that
  • 21:22 - 21:25
    when we're on actions we can trust our comrades
  • 21:25 - 21:27
    because we know that we've organized with them in a way that
  • 21:27 - 21:28
    they've been involved from the very beginning.
  • 21:28 - 21:32
    Other groups prefer to have an affinity group structure.
  • 21:32 - 21:35
    The important thing is that these strategies change and adapt.
  • 21:35 - 21:39
    We've been building links with various anti-fascist groups across Europe.
  • 21:39 - 21:42
    They've come to support our actions, we've sent people to support
  • 21:42 - 21:44
    some of their big mobilizations.
  • 21:44 - 21:46
    Obviously we have different political contexts
  • 21:46 - 21:49
    and therefore we respond differently to the kind of far-right activity
  • 21:49 - 21:51
    that's happening within our base.
  • 21:51 - 21:53
    It doesn't mean, however, that we can't learn from each other
  • 21:53 - 21:58
    in order to grow our group, and also grow militant anti-fascism.
  • 22:00 - 22:03
    These days it can sometime feel like we're all just
  • 22:03 - 22:07
    one Donald Trump twitter beef away from full-scale nuclear war.
  • 22:07 - 22:10
    And the feeling that there are incredibly powerful forces beyond our control
  • 22:10 - 22:13
    that hold so much sway over our lives can be pretty demoralizing.
  • 22:13 - 22:16
    But nobody ever said revolutionary struggle was easy
  • 22:16 - 22:18
    and given the fact that reactionary forces are steadily
  • 22:18 - 22:20
    gaining ground in countries around the world,
  • 22:20 - 22:25
    it's vitally important that anarchists and other anti-fascists not give into despair,
  • 22:25 - 22:29
    or take our eyes off the prize in pursuit of what may seem like urgent short-term gains.
  • 22:29 - 22:33
    In other words, we need to come up with, and put into play strategies and tactics
  • 22:33 - 22:36
    that build our collective power and autonomy in order to better prepare us
  • 22:36 - 22:39
    for the battles to come... even as we act against threats in the here and now.
  • 22:39 - 22:42
    As we enter into a highly dynamic period of transition,
  • 22:42 - 22:45
    it is vitally important that we keep our eyes open
  • 22:45 - 22:48
    and refuse to compromise on our visions of a better world.
  • 22:48 - 22:51
    In short… it’s time to get our game face on.
  • 22:51 - 22:54
    You can give examples of left-wing navel gazing
  • 22:54 - 22:59
    when it comes to the 2008 financial crisis.
  • 22:59 - 23:01
    We've left the misery of working people
  • 23:01 - 23:05
    to be taken advantage of by the far-right
  • 23:05 - 23:07
    and other reactionary elements in society.
  • 23:07 - 23:10
    Reactionary ideologies have always been there.
  • 23:10 - 23:13
    People thinking that neo-nazis are a new thing
  • 23:13 - 23:16
    and fascist are a new thing is not true.
  • 23:16 - 23:20
    What we think is lately, yes, it has become more and more vocal.
  • 23:20 - 23:24
    We've seen waves and waves of arson attacks against mosques,
  • 23:24 - 23:28
    vandalism at Jewish places of worship and cemeteries.
  • 23:28 - 23:32
    We've seen continuous terrorists attacks both in Canada and the US
  • 23:32 - 23:35
    by Trump supporters and white nationalists, so I mean I think unfortunately
  • 23:35 - 23:38
    those kinds of attacks are going to continue.
  • 23:38 - 23:41
    We've gotta be prepared, if this is basically the baseline now,
  • 23:41 - 23:43
    it could be very scary in the next couple of years.
  • 23:43 - 23:47
    There is a political struggle going on for, for lack of a better word
  • 23:47 - 23:49
    the hearts and minds of the working class.
  • 23:49 - 23:52
    My humble suggestion would be that the best way to wage that struggle
  • 23:52 - 23:57
    is to form working-class organizations that take up working-class struggle,
  • 23:57 - 24:01
    that can develop politics that are best suited to the problems
  • 24:01 - 24:03
    that confront the working class.
  • 24:03 - 24:06
    Those politics are anti-white supremacist.
  • 24:06 - 24:10
    They are anti-Islamophobic, they are feminist
  • 24:10 - 24:11
    and they are communist.
  • 24:11 - 24:14
    These are the politics that need to actually be developed.
  • 24:14 - 24:17
    You need to build your organization. You need to build it strong.
  • 24:17 - 24:20
    You need to build it in the communities and workplaces
  • 24:20 - 24:24
    that you exist in, and then you need to make
  • 24:24 - 24:26
    you and your comrades ready for conflict.
  • 24:26 - 24:30
    You need to make sure that everyone is ready to stand and fight if necessary.
  • 24:30 - 24:32
    But don't fetishize that.
  • 24:32 - 24:36
    It's not only a physical thing.
  • 24:36 - 24:39
    Popular education is also a good way, propaganda,
  • 24:39 - 24:42
    doing some research about fascist groups.
  • 24:42 - 24:44
    These roles are just as valuable and just as important
  • 24:44 - 24:46
    as punching nazis in the face.
  • 24:46 - 24:50
    Which, I fully advocate... but again, it's not the be all and end all
  • 24:50 - 24:54
    of anti-fascism. It's often the most fun... but...
  • 24:54 - 24:58
    Organize. Don't wait for anybody, organize now with your friends,
  • 24:58 - 25:01
    with some people from your communities, with some people
  • 25:01 - 25:03
    in your workplace, in your neighbourhood.
  • 25:03 - 25:08
    We could keep going down the road that we've been going down
  • 25:08 - 25:14
    with an increasing obsession over a puritanical form of struggle
  • 25:14 - 25:17
    where we wish to improve ourselves more than
  • 25:17 - 25:19
    we wish to improve the world around us.
  • 25:19 - 25:24
    Or we can seek to reach out to the more reactionary,
  • 25:24 - 25:27
    unorganized elements of society and pull them into
  • 25:27 - 25:28
    a struggle to overthrow capitalism
  • 25:28 - 25:31
    and overthrow a system that oppresses us all.
  • 25:31 - 25:34
    We can't give up poor white people to these groups.
  • 25:34 - 25:36
    If there's nobody that's offering a counter-narrative,
  • 25:36 - 25:38
    nobody that's going door-to-door in a trailer park,
  • 25:38 - 25:41
    all that stuff... I mean, eventually these groups
  • 25:41 - 25:43
    will have an influence in these areas.
  • 25:43 - 25:47
    If we have no prospect of organizing with the working class
  • 25:47 - 25:51
    to cultivate politics that are counter to these politics,
  • 25:51 - 25:54
    then we are in far worse trouble than the black bloc
  • 25:54 - 25:56
    is capable of taking care of.
  • 25:56 - 26:01
    But, the bright side is I personally, and I think many other people
  • 26:01 - 26:03
    don't think we're in that position just yet.
  • 26:03 - 26:05
    It's unclear what's gonna happen, I think, even six months from now.
  • 26:05 - 26:07
    Right now there's a lot of moving pieces on the board.
  • 26:07 - 26:11
    The anti-fascist resistance has emerged and increased quite quickly.
  • 26:11 - 26:15
    If it can make firmer links with the movement for immigrants rights
  • 26:15 - 26:17
    and Black Lives Matter, and other larger somewhat radical
  • 26:17 - 26:21
    or fairly radical social movements in our society, it'll be a much stronger movement.
  • 26:21 - 26:25
    The far right are getting stronger and they're gaining more confidence.
  • 26:25 - 26:28
    So it can start to feel as if like, y'know, we're in a losing battle.
  • 26:28 - 26:31
    But actually, I think that things are still up for grabs.
  • 26:31 - 26:33
    I think we have to get our shit together.
  • 26:33 - 26:35
    I think we have to organize collectively, and I think
  • 26:35 - 26:38
    we have to stay revolutionary-minded.
  • 26:38 - 26:40
    On one hand, we wanna make sure that anti-fascism
  • 26:40 - 26:43
    is not devoid of revolutionary politics, like it needs to have
  • 26:43 - 26:46
    this in-depth analysis, but also that we don't throw
  • 26:46 - 26:47
    the baby out with the bathwater.
  • 26:47 - 26:50
    This is gonna be how a lot of people get involved
  • 26:50 - 26:51
    with the wider revolutionary movement
  • 26:51 - 26:53
    and we should be very open to that.
  • 26:53 - 26:57
    If you're interested in challenging reaction and far-right ideology
  • 26:57 - 27:01
    and interested in defending yourself, then get in touch with
  • 27:01 - 27:02
    your local anti-fascist group.
  • 27:02 - 27:04
    Don't be scared to approach them.
  • 27:04 - 27:07
    The tactics and strategy are really open.
  • 27:07 - 27:09
    There's a place for everybody.
  • 27:09 - 27:12
    Particularly if you're a woman or a minority or disabled,
  • 27:12 - 27:16
    you'll be told by more liberal elements of the left that
  • 27:16 - 27:18
    y'know... anti-fascism might not be for you.
  • 27:18 - 27:21
    And that antifa are just predominantly white men
  • 27:21 - 27:24
    and they have a white men savior complex, or whatever.
  • 27:24 - 27:27
    But actually, a lot of that is bullshit.
  • 27:27 - 27:30
    I think it's really important as well to encourage
  • 27:30 - 27:33
    more women and minorities to be involved in anti-fascism
  • 27:33 - 27:35
    because it's an incredibly empowering feeling to feel that
  • 27:35 - 27:39
    you can go out on the streets and physically stop
  • 27:39 - 27:41
    fascists from being able to organize.
  • 27:41 - 27:44
    It's important to build up anti-fascist self-defense now.
  • 27:44 - 27:47
    And that includes not just people being ready to roll out
  • 27:47 - 27:50
    to a demonstration to fight some nazis,
  • 27:50 - 27:54
    it means mapping out in the local area who the fascists are,
  • 27:54 - 27:57
    where these groups are situated, where their power is,
  • 27:57 - 28:00
    who the leaders are... and really kind of obliterating those networks.
  • 28:00 - 28:03
    When looking to the future, the one thing anti-fascists should be doing
  • 28:03 - 28:08
    is identifying those fascist organizers that could be launching
  • 28:08 - 28:13
    this future movement and brutally pushing them out of the movement
  • 28:13 - 28:17
    and setting back any fascist movement 5, 10 years by doing so.
  • 28:17 - 28:19
    We have to be able to split these movements.
  • 28:19 - 28:22
    Y'know we have to crack them at the base
  • 28:22 - 28:25
    and expose their contradictions, and that's a huge task for us right now.
  • 28:25 - 28:28
    Don't take shortcuts in your understanding
  • 28:28 - 28:30
    and don't take shortcuts in the strategies that you employ.
  • 28:30 - 28:34
    Be reasonable, think about things, be diligent, be disciplined,
  • 28:34 - 28:39
    carry out revolutionary politics within the working class.
  • 28:41 - 28:43
    As we continue to slip further into the dangerous,
  • 28:43 - 28:46
    uncharted territory of 21st-century political reaction,
  • 28:46 - 28:50
    the need for innovative strategies and bold, effective action
  • 28:50 - 28:52
    will become ever more important.
  • 28:52 - 28:54
    So at this point, we’d like to remind you that Trouble is
  • 28:54 - 28:57
    intended to be watched in groups, and to be used as a resource
  • 28:57 - 28:59
    to promote discussion and collective organizing.
  • 28:59 - 29:02
    If there’s no antifa or anti-racist organizing initiatives,
  • 29:02 - 29:04
    consider screening this film with some comrades
  • 29:04 - 29:07
    and considering what sort of initiative would work best for your area.
  • 29:07 - 29:10
    Interested in running regular screenings at your campus,
  • 29:10 - 29:13
    infoshop, community center, or even just at your home with friends?
  • 29:13 - 29:14
    Become a Trouble-Maker!
  • 29:14 - 29:17
    For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up with an advanced copy of the show
  • 29:17 - 29:20
    and a screening kit featuring additional resources and some questions
  • 29:20 - 29:22
    you can use to get a discussion going.
  • 29:22 - 29:25
    If you can’t afford to support us financially, no worries!
  • 29:25 - 29:27
    You can stream and/or download all our content for free
  • 29:27 - 29:30
    off our website: sub.media/trouble.
  • 29:30 - 29:34
    If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics or just wanna get in touch,
  • 29:34 - 29:37
    drop us a line at trouble@submedia.tv.
  • 29:37 - 29:40
    We’d like to thank everyone who helped make this episode possible,
  • 29:40 - 29:43
    and wanna send a shout out to the first official Troublemaker chapters,
  • 29:43 - 29:48
    in Montreal, Hamilton, Calgary, Prague, Atlanta, Morrisville, Madison,
  • 29:48 - 29:53
    The Hague, Rhyneland, Medford, Quilcene, Asheville, Durham,
  • 29:53 - 29:57
    Whitehorse, Brooklyn, Philly, Minneapolis, Sandpoint and Hendersonville.
  • 29:57 - 30:00
    Now... get out there and make some trouble.
Title:
vimeo.com/.../215274960
Video Language:
English
Duration:
30:20

English subtitles

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