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Terror Robespierre and the French Revolution Part 1

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    In the early hours of July 28, 1794,
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    the leaders of French Republic’s Committee of Public Safety had gathered for one last time,
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    their once colossal power evaporating with every minute.
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    The twelve months Maximilien Robespierre had ruled revolutionary France in the name of the people.
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    The convention has ceased to represent the people. We must sign in the name of the people!
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    But now in the name of the people, soldiers were on their way to seize him, his dictatorship was over.
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    Do you think we should sign in the name of the people?
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    And he was about to become the final victim of his own bloody reign of terror.
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    What happens next to Robespierre is not fully known.
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    Two shots were fired
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    and one hit him flush in the mouth.
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    A badly wounded Robespierre was ultimately finished off by the guillotine
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    but arguments about the man still rage.
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    Had his revolution created the modern world, or betrayed it?
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    It was really a system of loathsome paranoia,
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    which was responsible for the butchering of tens of thousands of perfectly innocent lives.
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    Wait a minute.
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    In the liberal way, not liberals in the way of people who are ready to sacrifice themselves,
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    for them if you are too radical, you are one step to total totalitarianism.
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    At stake is the status of Robespierre as a founding father of state terror.
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    The first in a line of modest men with access to a higher truth.
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    Men who loved humanity so much,
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    they felt entitled to exterminate the human beings who stood in its way.
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    One year to the day before his grisly death,
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    Maxi Robespierre was appointed to the committee of public safety.
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    The innocuous four words disguising the most awesome institution in revolutionary France.
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    A provincial lawyer from Aras, he had been destined for a life of obscurity until 1789,
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    when he was propelled into the storm center of the greatest event in history
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    since the fall of the Roman Empire: The French Revolution.
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    The revolutionaries had challenged the might and arrogance of the French court in Versailles;
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    they had executed their king and created a republic whose watch words were
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    “liberty, equality, and the rights of man.”
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    A government whose sovereignty was based in the people.
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    But the revolutionaries also creamed of a new type of society,
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    one where human nature might be born again.
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    Where men and women, freed from tyranny and social custom could achieve moral perfection.
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    No one believed in this republic of virtue more than Robespierre himself,
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    but in Robespierre, the Jacobin, the world got its first glimpse at a new type;
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    a man who believed that the road to virtue led not through persuasion but through terror.
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    Virtue without terror is impotent; terror without virtue is blind, no?
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    I don’t have any problem with it.
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    The crucial point of every radical movement is to have terror through virtue.
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    In order to establish the fundamentals of democracy,
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    you have to go through this zero level of Jacobinism.
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    You cannot say, “We could have done it in a much easier way.”
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    Have we learned nothing from the Golak?
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    Have we learned nothing from the Third Reich?
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    It is conscionable and horrifying in the name
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    of intellectual fashion and a kind of partition remoteness,
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    the sense in which above all it doesn’t really matter
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    if thousands and thousands of people are slaughtered
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    as long as some are bourgeois notions of liberal individual rights are overthrown.
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    The use of violence to perfect humanity was the brain child of the committee of public safety.
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    In 1793, the unruly energies released by the revolution had been bottled up in this room.
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    And it was here, in 12 murderous months, that the modern idea of state terror was born.
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    It’s a moment in time when a society really does try to change itself without a model to fall back upon,
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    without a real sense of eddies of possibility.
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    And seeing how that can go very badly wrong is of course an object lesson.
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    The men on the committee of public safety
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    who worked the levers of this powerful machine included Lazare Carnot,
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    mathematician, engineer and natural born bureaucrat.
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    His rival was the pure tyrannical Saint Just,
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    whose astonishing maiden speech in the Assembly had called for the execution of the king.
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    Take the liquor out of the convention hall and you get more rational debates.
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    Perhaps, but I have also known crashing balls who only swear allegiance to lemonade.
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    A third member was the crippled lawyer George Couthon.
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    On his very first day of deputy, Couthon had proposed the abolition of royalty.
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    And before the revolution, he had won a literary prize for an essay on patience.
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    Come on! Come on! Put your backs into it!
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    Another lawyer was Herault de Schelles,
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    who in some ways the committee’s most surprising member; Herault’s godmother was Marie Antoinette.
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    He said to me, “Do you have shortages of soap in Paris as we have in Neem?”
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    So I said to him, “Are you making a comment about the capital in general or just about me?”
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    ] It was this group of men who Robespierre joined on the 27th of July, 1793.
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    Honored citizens! Salutations!
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    Yes, welcome to the queen’s bedroom.
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    So this is where she powdered her cheeks?
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    All four of them!
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    [Laughter among the actors]
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    There are people who are absolutely consumed by the public work of pushing the revolution onwards.
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    They really do come out of obscurity.
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    These essentially obscure provincials find themselves running a country,
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    running the war effort and in a sense, grow into that role.
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    But also very clearly you are always wrestling
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    with the immensity of the task they had set before themselves.
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    Revolutionary France had declared war on its neighbors.
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    By 1793, the Republic was fighting for its life.
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    Five imperial armies were amassed on her borders,
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    with the Austrians to the north with just three days march from Paris.
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    Each imperial army had promised to crush the regicides and annihilate the new Republic.
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    A ruiness economic blockade had reduced much of the country to famine
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    and civil war was simmering in Vondae and the south.
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    There are those who say that the state terror that was about to unfold
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    was not the result of an excessive idealism but this incredible external duress.
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    The committee member appointed to organize France’s defense was Lazare Carnot.
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    There are some figures, like Lazare Carnot, who are really bureaucrats,
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    who make sure that enough bread, flour and salt fish
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    gets to the soldiers out on the field where they freeze their rear ends off in misery.
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    I would begin with the state of affairs, unless you of course wish to, uh…

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    No, no. Please, why don’t you…I would prefer to listen.
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    Very well.
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    The army of the north, this was captured two days ago from the Austrians just outside Antiope.
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    It doesn’t tell us anything we didn’t already suspect.
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    England has permanent designs on Dunkirk and Keilon.
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    The Duke of York would not reject the crown if it were offered.
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    Austria and Prussia want to take bites out of Arden and Lorraine
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    and the Dutch will be allowed to nibble some of the north. No one will be left out.
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    They all want a piece of beautiful France.
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    Yes. Even the little king of Sardinia has dreams that he will one day place his fat ass in Provence.
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    [Actors laughing]
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    That land is to dismember this country.
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    We are not Poland. This committee is not just a group of futile students in Warsaw.
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    The French Republic exists.
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    It is a product of philosophy but it is also a product of real events.
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    And behind the idea is a sovereign people.
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    Twenty million French men aching to enter the age of Rousseau.
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    Very good.
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    They are not short of speeches in the army; we are however nearly short on everything else.
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    The army of the north has two million pounds of gunpowder.
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    It requires thirty million pounds of gunpowder.
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    The army of the Mizell is constantly short of bread.
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    Almost all the other armies are short of shot, cartridges, shoes, horses,
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    and most importantly, copper.
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    God made France beautiful, but He did not supply us with copper for our cannon.
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    You will notice that we are in the seat of a small supply from Hungary.
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    From between the legs of the Hapsburg Emperor.
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    We can always count on our enemies to stab each other in the back.
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    Most of our cannon are forged from copper that is scavenged from our own barns.
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    From French churches, from the altars. From icons, from confessional boxes.
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    Cannons out of confessional boxes; I call that progress.
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    As for gunpowder, this committee must act now to enforce a national search for Sal-peter.
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    Every French citizen must scrape every attic, every cellar, and it must be made an act of Patriotic duty.
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    This can be done.
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    Good.
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    But our real problem, the real supply problem is with our generals.
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    Damn them!
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    I cannot use a single cavalry regiment in confidence because I know royalists hide there.
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    I cannot entirely trust a single battalion of infantry
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    because I know an officer may take those men across the line to fight on the other side.
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    Faith, citizen. Remember Valme.
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    We do not need another Valme, George.
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    Valme was a patriotic sensation.
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    And very nearly a military catastrophe.
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    One hundred thousand volunteers walking towards the sound of gunfire.
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    I would take another Valme, citizen.
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    What? Men who should have been at the harvest?
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    Men, who would be better employed airing the robes so that are artillery could get to the front.
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    Men who were told to march to the sound of gunfire. Men who had never heard the sound of gunfire.
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    And when they did, they were useless. Not one single weapon the same.
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    Hundreds of different caliber, many men carrying pitchforks to march against the king of Austria.
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    No! Chaos!
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    We do not need another Valme! These men only understood one command:
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    to march against the aristocrats.
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    That is a good command.
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    That is an excellent command morally, citizen, but it is no substitute for organization.
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    One forgets how good the late (?) was at mobilizing forces.
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    There were a lot of beady eye precursors of necessary stuff.
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    Those sort of people had a lot to be getting off with, they are busy busy busy busy.
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    They are all about how to deliver gunshots and cannons and guns
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    and you can’t really have a complete bloody Looney really calling the shots.
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    My God! If you read some of the attacks of Robespierre, they exerted the full dictatorship,
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    they played this game of how can we kill more people?
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    Are people aware that practically, literally, the whole of Europe declared war on France?
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    Foreign powers effectively were deeply involved in helping, contributing,
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    to say the republic was in danger. It wasn’t the stylish excuse to kill a million people, and so forth.
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    Robespierre was in particular always
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    warning of the dangers of letting one man have too much military power.
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    He looked back to classical antiquity and said, “Look what happened to Julius Cesar.”
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    Who crossed the Rubicon and turned the army on Rome.
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    And this is something that might happen in France.
Title:
Terror Robespierre and the French Revolution Part 1
Video Language:
English
Duration:
14:31

English subtitles

Incomplete

Revisions