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So I'm here to talk to you
about the walkable city.

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What is the walkable city?

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Well, for want of a better definition,

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it's a city in which the car
is an optional instrument of freedom,

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rather than a prosthetic device.

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And I'd like to talk about
why we need the walkable city,

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and I'd like to talk about
how to do the walkable city.

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Most of the talks I give these days
are about why we need it,

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but you guys are smart.

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And also I gave that talk
exactly a month ago,

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and you can see it at TED.com.

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So today I want to talk
about how to do it.

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In a lot of time thinking about this,

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I've come up with what I call
the general theory of walkability.

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A bit of a pretentious term,
it's a little tongue-in-cheek,

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but it's something
I've thought about for a long time,

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and I'd like to share
what I think I've figured out.

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In the American city,
the typical American city --

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the typical American city
is not Washington, DC,

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or New York, or San Francisco;

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it's Grand Rapids or Cedar
Rapids or Memphis --

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in the typical American city
in which most people own cars

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and the temptation
is to drive them all the time,

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if you're going to get them to walk,
then you have to offer a walk

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that's as good as a drive or better.

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What does that mean?

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It means you need to offer
four things simultaneously:

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there needs to be a proper reason to walk,

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the walk has to be safe and feel safe,

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the walk has to be comfortable

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and the walk has to be interesting.

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You need to do all four
of these things simultaneously,

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and that's the structure of my talk today,

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to take you through each of those.

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The reason to walk
is a story I learned from my mentors,

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Andrés Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk,

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the founders of the New Urbanism movement.

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And I should say half the slides
and half of my talk today

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I learned from them.

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It's the story of planning,

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the story of the formation
of the planning profession.

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When in the 19th century
people were choking

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from the soot of the dark, satanic mills,

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the planners said, hey, let's move
the housing away from the mills.

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And lifespans increased
immediately, dramatically,

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and we like to say

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the planners have been trying to repeat
that experience ever since.

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So there's the onset
of what we call Euclidean zoning,

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the separation of the landscape
into large areas of single use.

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And typically when I arrive
in a city to do a plan,

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a plan like this already awaits me
on the property that I'm looking at.

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And all a plan like this guarantees

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is that you will not have a walkable city,

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because nothing is located
near anything else.

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The alternative, of course,
is our most walkable city,

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and I like to say, you know,
this is a Rothko,

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and this is a Seurat.

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it's a different way of making places.

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And even this map of Manhattan
is a bit misleading

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because the red color
is uses that are mixed vertically.

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So this is the big story
of the New Urbanists --

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to acknowledge
that there are only two ways

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that have been tested by the thousands

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to build communities,
in the world and throughout history.

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One is the traditional neighborhood.

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You see here several neighborhoods
of Newburyport, Massachusetts,

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which is defined as being compact
and being diverse --

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places to live, work, shop,
recreate, get educated --

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all within walking distance.

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And it's defined as being walkable.

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There are lots of small streets.

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Each one is comfortable to walk on.

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And we contrast that to the other way,

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an invention that happened
after the Second World War,

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suburban sprawl,

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clearly not compact, clearly not diverse,
and it's not walkable,

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because so few of the streets connect,

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that those streets that do connect
become overburdened,

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and you wouldn't let your kid out on them.

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And I want to thank Alex Maclean,
the aerial photographer,

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for many of these beautiful pictures
that I'm showing you today.

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He's an architect as well.

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So it's fun to break sprawl down
into its constituent parts.

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It's so easy to understand,

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the places where you only live,
the places where you only work,

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the places where you only shop,

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and our super-sized public institutions.

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Schools get bigger and bigger,

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and therefore, further
and further from each other.

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And the ratio of the size
of the parking lot

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to the size of the school

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tells you all you need to know,

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which is that no child
has ever walked to this school,

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no child will ever walk to this school.

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The seniors and juniors are driving
the freshmen and the sophomores,

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and of course we have
the crash statistics to prove it.

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And then the super-sizing
of our other civic institutions

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like playing fields --

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it's wonderful that Westin
in the Ft. Lauderdale area

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has eight soccer fields
and eight baseball diamonds

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and 20 tennis courts,

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but look at the road
that takes you to that location,

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and would you let your child bike on it?

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And this is why we have
the soccer mom now.

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When I was young, I had one soccer field,

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one baseball diamond and one tennis court,

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but I could walk to it,
because it was in my neighborhood.

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Then the final part of sprawl
that everyone forgot to count:

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if you're going to separate everything
from everything else

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and reconnect it
only with automotive infrastructure,

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then this is what your landscape
begins to look like.

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The main message here is:

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if you want to have a walkable city,
you can't start with the sprawl model.

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you need the bones of an urban model.

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This is the outcome
of that form of design,

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as is this.

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And this is something
that a lot of Americans want.

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But we have to understand
it's a two-part American dream.

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If you're dreaming for this,

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you're also going to be dreaming of this.

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That would be your nightmare, I suppose.

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Often to absurd extremes,

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when we build our landscape
to accommodate cars first.

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And the experience
of being in these places --

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(Laughter)

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This is not Photoshopped.

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Walter Kulash took this slide.

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It's in Panama City.

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This is a real place.

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And being a driver
can be a bit of a nuisance,

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and being a pedestrian
can be a bit of a nuisance

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in these places.

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This is a slide that epidemiologists
have been showing for some time now,

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(Laughter)

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The fact that we have a society
where you drive to the parking lot

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to take the escalator to the treadmill

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shows that we're doing something wrong.

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But we know how to do it better.

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Here are the two models contrasted.

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I show this slide,

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which has been a formative document
of the New Urbanism now

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for almost 30 years,

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to show that sprawl and the traditional
neighborhood contain the same things.

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It's just how big are they,

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how close are they to each other,

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how are they interspersed together

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and do you have a street network,
rather than a cul-de-sac

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or a collector system of streets?

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So when we look at a downtown area,

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at a place that has a hope
of being walkable,

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and mostly that's our downtowns
in America's cities

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and towns and villages,

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we look at them and say
we want the proper balance of uses.

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So what is missing or underrepresented?

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And again, in the typical American cities
in which most Americans live,

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it is housing that is lacking.

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The jobs-to-housing balance is off.

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And you find that when
you bring housing back,

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these other things start to come back too,

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and housing is usually first
among those things.

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And, of course, the thing
that shows up last and eventually

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is the schools,

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because the young pioneers
have to move in, get older, have kids

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and fight, and then the schools
get pretty good eventually.

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The other part of this,
the useful city part,

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is transit,

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and you can have a perfectly
walkable neighborhood without it.

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But perfectly walkable cities
require transit,

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because if you don't have access
to the whole city as a pedestrian,

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then you get a car,

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and if you get a car,

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the city begins to reshape itself
around your needs,

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and the streets get wider
and the parking lots get bigger

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and you no longer have a walkable city.

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So transit is essential.

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But every transit experience,
every transit trip,

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begins or ends as a walk,

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and so we have to remember to build
walkability around our transit stations.

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Next category, the biggest one,
is the safe walk.

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It's what most walkability
experts talk about.

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It is essential, but alone not enough
to get people to walk.

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And there are so many moving parts
that add up to a walkable city.

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The first is block size.

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This is Portland, Oregon,

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famously 200-foot blocks,
famously walkable.

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This is Salt Lake City,

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famously 600-foot blocks,

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famously unwalkable.

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If you look at the two,
it's almost like two different planets,

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but these places were both built by humans

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and in fact, the story is that when
you have a 200-foot block city,

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you can have a two-lane city,

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or a two-to-four lane city,

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and a 600-foot block city
is a six-lane city, and that's a problem.

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These are the crash statistics.

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When you double the block size --

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this was a study
of 24 California cities --

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when you double the block size,

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you almost quadruple
the number of fatal accidents

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on non-highway streets.

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So how many lanes do we have?

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This is where I'm going to tell you
what I tell every audience I meet,

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which is to remind you
about induced demand.

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Induced demand applies
both to highways and to city streets.

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And induced demand tells us
that when we widen the streets

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to accept the congestion
that we're anticipating,

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or the additional trips
that we're anticipating

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in congested systems,
it is principally that congestion

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that is constraining demand,

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and so that the widening comes,

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and there are all of these latent trips
that are ready to happen.

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People move further from work

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and make other choices
about when they commute,

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and those lanes fill up
very quickly with traffic,

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so we widen the street again,
and they fill up again.

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And we've learned that
in congested systems,

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we cannot satisfy the automobile.

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This is from Newsweek Magazine --
hardly an esoteric publication:

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"Today's engineers acknowledge

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that building new roads
usually makes traffic worse."

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My response to reading this was,
may I please meet some of these engineers,

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because these are not the ones that I --

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there are great exceptions
that I'm working with now --

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but these are not the engineers
one typically meets working in a city,

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where they say, "Oh, that road
is too crowded, we need to add a lane."

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So you add a lane, and the traffic comes,

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and they say, "See, I told you
we needed that lane."

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This applies both to highways
and to city streets if they're congested.

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But the amazing thing
about most American cities that I work in,

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the more typical cities,

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is that they have a lot of streets
that are actually oversized

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for the congestion
they're currently experiencing.

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This was the case in Oklahoma City,

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when the mayor came running
to me, very upset,

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because they were named
in Prevention Magazine

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the worst city for pedestrians
in the entire country.

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Now that can't possibly be true,

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but it certainly is enough
to make a mayor do something about it.

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We did a walkability study,

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and what we found, looking
at the car counts on the street --

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these are 3,000-, 4,000-, 7,000-car counts

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and we know that two lanes
can handle 10,000 cars per day.

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Look at these numbers --
they're all near or under 10,000 cars,

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00:10:42,888 --> 00:10:45,162
and these were the streets
that were designated

245
00:10:45,186 --> 00:10:47,068
in the new downtown plan

246
00:10:47,092 --> 00:10:49,726
to be four lanes to six lanes wide.

247
00:10:49,750 --> 00:10:52,995
So you had a fundamental disconnect
between the number of lanes

248
00:10:53,019 --> 00:10:55,261
and the number of cars
that wanted to use them.

249
00:10:55,285 --> 00:10:59,200
So it was my job to redesign
every street in the downtown

250
00:10:59,224 --> 00:11:00,959
from curb face to curb face,

251
00:11:00,983 --> 00:11:02,985
and we did it for 50 blocks of streets,

252
00:11:03,009 --> 00:11:04,366
and we're rebuilding it now.

253
00:11:04,390 --> 00:11:07,430
So a typical oversized street to nowhere

254
00:11:07,454 --> 00:11:09,654
is being narrowed, and now
under construction,

255
00:11:09,678 --> 00:11:11,318
and the project is half done.

256
00:11:11,342 --> 00:11:13,333
The typical street like this, you know,

257
00:11:13,357 --> 00:11:16,803
when you do that,
you find room for medians.

258
00:11:16,827 --> 00:11:18,809
You find room for bike lanes.

259
00:11:18,833 --> 00:11:21,000
We've doubled the amount
of on-street parking.

260
00:11:21,024 --> 00:11:24,973
We've added a full bike network
where one didn't exist before.

261
00:11:24,997 --> 00:11:28,244
But not everyone has the money
that Oklahoma City has,

262
00:11:28,268 --> 00:11:31,352
because they have an extraction
economy that's doing quite well.

263
00:11:31,376 --> 00:11:33,428
The typical city is more
like Cedar Rapids,

264
00:11:33,452 --> 00:11:37,442
where they have an all four-lane
system, half one-way system.

265
00:11:37,466 --> 00:11:38,915
And it's a little hard to see,

266
00:11:38,939 --> 00:11:42,223
but what we've done -- what we're doing;
it's in process right now,

267
00:11:42,247 --> 00:11:43,851
it's in engineering right now --

268
00:11:43,875 --> 00:11:47,666
is turning an all four-lane
system, half one-way

269
00:11:47,690 --> 00:11:51,267
into an all two-lane system, all two-way,

270
00:11:51,291 --> 00:11:54,532
and in so doing, we're adding
70 percent more on-street parking,

271
00:11:54,556 --> 00:11:55,915
which the merchants love,

272
00:11:55,939 --> 00:11:57,359
and it protects the sidewalk.

273
00:11:57,383 --> 00:11:59,145
That parking makes the sidewalk safe,

274
00:11:59,169 --> 00:12:02,375
and we're adding a much more
robust bicycle network.

275
00:12:03,951 --> 00:12:06,532
Then the lanes themselves.
How wide are they?

276
00:12:06,556 --> 00:12:07,766
That's really important.

277
00:12:07,790 --> 00:12:10,956
The standards have changed
such that, as Andrés Duany says,

278
00:12:10,980 --> 00:12:13,074
the typical road
to a subdivision in America

279
00:12:13,098 --> 00:12:15,290
allows you to see
the curvature of the Earth.

280
00:12:15,314 --> 00:12:16,353
(Laughter)

281
00:12:16,377 --> 00:12:19,622
This is a subdivision
outside of Washington from the 1960s.

282
00:12:19,646 --> 00:12:21,967
Look very carefully
at the width of the streets.

283
00:12:21,991 --> 00:12:24,098
This is a subdivision from the 1980s.

284
00:12:24,122 --> 00:12:25,757
1960s, 1980s.

285
00:12:25,781 --> 00:12:27,805
The standards have changed
to such a degree

286
00:12:27,829 --> 00:12:29,782
that my old neighborhood of South Beach,

287
00:12:29,806 --> 00:12:34,115
when it was time to fix the street
that wasn't draining properly,

288
00:12:34,139 --> 00:12:36,683
they had to widen it
and take away half our sidewalk,

289
00:12:36,707 --> 00:12:38,354
because the standards were wider.

290
00:12:38,378 --> 00:12:41,075
People go faster on wider streets.

291
00:12:41,099 --> 00:12:42,256
People know this.

292
00:12:42,280 --> 00:12:45,406
The engineers deny it,
but the citizens know it,

293
00:12:45,430 --> 00:12:49,256
so that in Birmingham, Michigan,
they fight for narrower streets.

294
00:12:49,280 --> 00:12:51,802
Portland, Oregon, famously walkable,

295
00:12:51,826 --> 00:12:55,371
instituted its "Skinny Streets" program
in its residential neighborhood.

296
00:12:55,395 --> 00:12:57,245
We know that skinny streets are safer.

297
00:12:57,269 --> 00:13:00,315
The developer Vince Graham,
in his project I'On,

298
00:13:00,339 --> 00:13:02,155
which we worked on in South Carolina,

299
00:13:02,179 --> 00:13:05,791
he goes to conferences and he shows
his amazing 22-foot roads.

300
00:13:05,815 --> 00:13:08,531
These are two-way roads,
very narrow rights of way,

301
00:13:08,555 --> 00:13:10,554
and he shows this well-known philosopher,

302
00:13:10,578 --> 00:13:13,448
who said, "Broad is the road
that leads to destruction ...

303
00:13:13,472 --> 00:13:15,573
narrow is the road that leads to life."

304
00:13:15,597 --> 00:13:17,657
(Laughter)

305
00:13:17,681 --> 00:13:20,050
(Applause)

306
00:13:20,074 --> 00:13:21,866
This plays very well in the South.

307
00:13:21,890 --> 00:13:23,787
Now: bicycles.

308
00:13:24,709 --> 00:13:29,039
Bicycles and bicycling
are the current revolution underway

309
00:13:29,063 --> 00:13:30,898
in only some American cities.

310
00:13:30,922 --> 00:13:32,563
But where you build it, they come.

311
00:13:32,587 --> 00:13:36,596
As a planner, I hate to say that,
but the one thing I can say

312
00:13:36,620 --> 00:13:40,747
is that bicycle population
is a function of bicycle infrastructure.

313
00:13:40,771 --> 00:13:44,186
I asked my friend Tom Brennan
from Nelson\Nygaard in Portland

314
00:13:44,210 --> 00:13:46,790
to send me some pictures
of the Portland bike commute.

315
00:13:46,814 --> 00:13:49,322
He sent me this. I said,
"Was that bike to work day?"

316
00:13:49,346 --> 00:13:50,991
He said, "No, that was Tuesday."

317
00:13:51,015 --> 00:13:55,979
When you do what Portland did and spend
money on bicycle infrastructure --

318
00:13:56,003 --> 00:14:00,224
New York City has doubled the number
of bikers in it several times now

319
00:14:00,248 --> 00:14:02,285
by painting these bright green lanes.

320
00:14:02,309 --> 00:14:06,575
Even automotive cities
like Long Beach, California:

321
00:14:06,599 --> 00:14:10,678
vast uptick in the number of bikers
based on the infrastructure.

322
00:14:10,702 --> 00:14:12,393
And of course, what really does it,

323
00:14:12,417 --> 00:14:15,093
if you know 15th Street
here in Washington, DC --

324
00:14:15,117 --> 00:14:18,344
please meet Rahm Emanuel's
new bike lanes in Chicago,

325
00:14:18,368 --> 00:14:21,746
the buffered lane, the parallel parking
pulled off the curb,

326
00:14:21,770 --> 00:14:25,772
the bikes between the parked
cars and the curb --

327
00:14:25,796 --> 00:14:27,717
these mint cyclists.

328
00:14:28,041 --> 00:14:31,592
If, however, as in Pasadena,
every lane is a bike lane,

329
00:14:31,616 --> 00:14:33,577
then no lane is a bike lane.

330
00:14:33,601 --> 00:14:36,713
And this is the only bicyclist
that I met in Pasadena, so ...

331
00:14:36,737 --> 00:14:38,342
(Laughter)

332
00:14:38,366 --> 00:14:40,057
The parallel parking I mentioned --

333
00:14:40,081 --> 00:14:41,703
it's an essential barrier of steel

334
00:14:41,727 --> 00:14:45,513
that protects the curb and pedestrians
from moving vehicles.

335
00:14:45,637 --> 00:14:49,233
This is Ft. Lauderdale;
one side of the street, you can park,

336
00:14:49,257 --> 00:14:51,209
the other side of the street, you can't.

337
00:14:51,233 --> 00:14:53,258
This is happy hour on the parking side.

338
00:14:53,282 --> 00:14:55,973
This is sad hour on the other side.

339
00:14:55,997 --> 00:14:58,986
And then the trees themselves
slow cars down.

340
00:14:59,010 --> 00:15:01,296
They move slower when trees
are next to the road,

341
00:15:01,320 --> 00:15:03,875
and, of course, sometimes
they slow down very quickly.

342
00:15:05,089 --> 00:15:08,041
All the little details --
the curb return radius.

343
00:15:08,065 --> 00:15:09,727
Is it one foot or is it 40 feet?

344
00:15:09,751 --> 00:15:13,197
How swoopy is that curb to determine
how fast the car goes

345
00:15:13,221 --> 00:15:15,686
and how much room you have to cross.

346
00:15:15,710 --> 00:15:19,132
And then I love this, because this
is objective journalism.

347
00:15:20,266 --> 00:15:24,345
"Some say the entrance to CityCenter
is not inviting to pedestrians."

348
00:15:24,369 --> 00:15:26,827
When every aspect
of the landscape is swoopy,

349
00:15:26,851 --> 00:15:29,524
is aerodynamic, is stream-form geometrics,

350
00:15:29,548 --> 00:15:31,865
it says: "This is a vehicular place."

351
00:15:31,889 --> 00:15:36,964
So no one detail, no one speciality,
can be allowed to set the stage.

352
00:15:36,988 --> 00:15:38,552
And here, you know, this street:

353
00:15:38,576 --> 00:15:42,468
yes, it will drain within a minute
of the hundred-year storm,

354
00:15:42,492 --> 00:15:45,284
but this poor woman
has to mount the curb every day.

355
00:15:45,308 --> 00:15:48,254
So then quickly, the comfortable walk
has to do with the fact

356
00:15:48,278 --> 00:15:53,231
that all animals seek, simultaneously,
prospect and refuge.

357
00:15:53,255 --> 00:15:55,355
We want to be able to see our predators,

358
00:15:55,379 --> 00:15:57,898
but we also want to feel
that our flanks are covered.

359
00:15:57,922 --> 00:16:00,413
And so we're drawn to places
that have good edges,

360
00:16:00,437 --> 00:16:03,765
and if you don't supply the edges,
people won't want to be there.

361
00:16:03,789 --> 00:16:05,928
What's the proper ratio
of height to width?

362
00:16:05,952 --> 00:16:07,727
Is it one to one? Three to one?

363
00:16:07,851 --> 00:16:11,636
If you get beyond one to six,
you're not very comfortable anymore.

364
00:16:11,660 --> 00:16:12,979
You don't feel enclosed.

365
00:16:13,103 --> 00:16:16,248
Now, six to one in Salzburg
can be perfectly delightful.

366
00:16:16,372 --> 00:16:18,759
The opposite of Salzburg is Houston.

367
00:16:19,917 --> 00:16:23,517
The point being the parking lot
is the principal problem here.

368
00:16:23,541 --> 00:16:27,116
However, missing teeth, those empty lots
can be issues as well,

369
00:16:27,140 --> 00:16:30,385
and if you have a missing corner
because of an outdated zoning code,

370
00:16:30,409 --> 00:16:33,317
then you could have a missing nose
in your neighborhood.

371
00:16:33,341 --> 00:16:35,178
That's what we had in my neighborhood.

372
00:16:35,202 --> 00:16:38,278
This was the zoning code that said
I couldn't build on that site.

373
00:16:38,302 --> 00:16:42,329
As you may know, Washington, DC
is now changing its zoning

374
00:16:42,353 --> 00:16:45,483
to allow sites like this
to become sites like this.

375
00:16:45,507 --> 00:16:47,673
We needed a lot of variances to do that.

376
00:16:47,697 --> 00:16:49,981
Triangular houses
can be interesting to build,

377
00:16:50,005 --> 00:16:53,107
but if you get one built,
people generally like it.

378
00:16:53,131 --> 00:16:55,584
So you've got to fill those missing noses.

379
00:16:55,738 --> 00:16:57,696
And then, finally, the interesting walk:

380
00:16:57,720 --> 00:16:59,392
signs of humanity.

381
00:16:59,416 --> 00:17:01,231
We are among the social primates.

382
00:17:01,255 --> 00:17:03,443
Nothing interests us more
than other people.

383
00:17:03,467 --> 00:17:04,961
We want signs of people.

384
00:17:04,984 --> 00:17:07,988
So the perfect one-to-one ratio,
it's a great thing.

385
00:17:08,012 --> 00:17:10,215
This is Grand Rapids,
a very walkable city,

386
00:17:10,240 --> 00:17:12,082
but nobody walks on this street

387
00:17:12,106 --> 00:17:14,217
that connects the two
best hotels together,

388
00:17:14,241 --> 00:17:18,608
because if on the left,
you have an exposed parking deck,

389
00:17:18,633 --> 00:17:21,117
and on the right,
you have a conference facility

390
00:17:21,141 --> 00:17:24,569
that was apparently designed
in admiration for that parking deck,

391
00:17:24,594 --> 00:17:27,101
then you don't attract that many people.

392
00:17:27,125 --> 00:17:31,099
Mayor Joe Riley, in his 10th term,
Mayor of Charleston, South Carolina,

393
00:17:31,123 --> 00:17:33,300
taught us it only takes
25 feet of building

394
00:17:33,324 --> 00:17:35,618
to hide 250 feet of garage.

395
00:17:35,642 --> 00:17:38,362
This one I call the Chia Pet Garage.
It's in South Beach.

396
00:17:38,386 --> 00:17:39,830
That active ground floor.

397
00:17:39,854 --> 00:17:42,573
I want to end with this project
that I love to show.

398
00:17:42,597 --> 00:17:45,108
It's by Meleca Architects.
It's in Columbus, Ohio.

399
00:17:45,132 --> 00:17:48,822
To the left is the convention center
neighborhood, full of pedestrians.

400
00:17:48,846 --> 00:17:51,510
To the right is the Short North
neighborhood -- ethnic,

401
00:17:51,534 --> 00:17:54,231
great restaurants,
great shops, struggling.

402
00:17:54,255 --> 00:17:56,809
It wasn't doing very well
because this was the bridge,

403
00:17:56,833 --> 00:17:59,300
and no one was walking
from the convention center

404
00:17:59,324 --> 00:18:00,533
into that neighborhood.

405
00:18:00,557 --> 00:18:04,850
Well, when they rebuilt the highway,
they added an extra 80 feet to the bridge.

406
00:18:04,874 --> 00:18:07,348
Sorry -- they rebuilt the bridge
over the highway.

407
00:18:07,372 --> 00:18:09,745
The city paid 1.9 million dollars,

408
00:18:09,769 --> 00:18:12,015
they gave the site to a developer,

409
00:18:12,039 --> 00:18:13,430
the developer built this

410
00:18:13,454 --> 00:18:15,773
and now the Short North
has come back to life.

411
00:18:15,797 --> 00:18:19,013
And everyone says, the newspapers,
not the planning magazines,

412
00:18:19,037 --> 00:18:21,258
the newspapers say
it's because of that bridge.

413
00:18:21,282 --> 00:18:23,902
So that's it. That's the general
theory of walkability.

414
00:18:23,926 --> 00:18:25,946
Think about your own cities.

415
00:18:25,970 --> 00:18:28,387
Think about how you can apply it.

416
00:18:28,411 --> 00:18:30,365
You've got to do all four things at once.

417
00:18:30,389 --> 00:18:32,698
So find those places
where you have most of them

418
00:18:32,722 --> 00:18:34,627
and fix what you can,

419
00:18:34,651 --> 00:18:37,335
fix what still needs fixing
in those places.

420
00:18:37,359 --> 00:18:39,127
I really appreciate your attention,

421
00:18:39,151 --> 00:18:41,215
and thank you for coming today.

422
00:18:41,239 --> 00:18:45,793
(Applause)