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preroll music
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Herald: And now, a warm welcome
for Vera Tollmann.
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She is from the research center
for proxy politics.
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For those ones from Berlin,
as far as I know,
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there is still a very exciting exhibition
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in the Museum of Photography.
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So a warm welcome for Vera Tollmann.
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(Vera) Thanks.
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applause
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Thank you very much for inviting me.
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First of all, it's just me.
Boaz Levin, my colleague,
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who is also the co-author of this text
that I'm going to present today,
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didn't make it in the end.
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It was also very kind of last minute
invitation, that we received a week ago.
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I am going to present a text,
which is entitled:
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“The Body of the Web” or
“Proud to relay flesh”
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It's a text where we want to
install the proxy as a figure of thought.
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And continue an argument,
that Hito Steyerl, the artist,
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started in her text
“Proxy Politics: Signal and Noise”
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which you can find online.
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In this co-authored text
we are going to pick up
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her trope of the proxy and test it in
relation to different cases of protest.
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So, from our understanding the
notion of proxy politics can be understood
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as both a symptom of crisis in current
representational political structures
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as well as a counter strategy aiming to
critically engage and challenge
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the existing mechanisms of
security and control,
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which leads to a series of questions.
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What forms of resistance might fit this vague
technopolitical economic condition?
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Mass protesters become image makers.
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Do resistance movements
need to employ PR consultants?
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How does one protest
in public space,
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if there is no public space left?
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And in what way does this
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virtuality and duplicity challenge
both public space and human bodies?
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Actually the latter is
the most important
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that we are trying to answer
or follow through with this text.
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Can you hear me well?
Yeah? Good!
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Ah, there’s … yes?
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No … okay …
I just thought there is a comment.
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Since July 2015,
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protesting in public space in Spain
has become an expensive affair.
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I don't know, if you remember from media
reports in July, there was a huge protest
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where they used the hologram as a medium.
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So protesters are now threatened
by hefty fines
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and authoritarian reaction to
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the anti-austerity protests
three years earlier.
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The citizen safety law,
otherwise known as the gag law,
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criminalises protests,
that interfere with public infrastructure.
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Under the new law which was passed by the
governing People’s Party in December 2014
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protesters are liable
to fines up to 600.000 EUR,
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for marching in front of congress,
blocking road, or occupying a square.
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The law, criticised as a severe attack
on Spaniards’ right of assembly and speech,
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is the most recent attempt by the government
to curb a wave of popular protests,
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that has swept the country since 2011.
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With the unemployment rate exceeding 25%
and one half of Spaniards under 25 jobless,
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hundreds of thousands of
outraged citizens took the streets,
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occupying squares and universities.
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In response to a discredited political class,
tarnished by years of political scandal
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and corruption, the Indigñados,
Spanish for “The outraged”,
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sought to mobilise citizens in a series of
grassroots demonstrations across the city
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by reclaiming their right to public space.
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Another flashback to 2011,
where protests using
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similar occupation strategies
were taking place across the world:
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in Tunesia, Egypt, Greece, Israel,
and the United States.
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Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv, home to
the headquarters of Israel's largest banks,
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became a kilometre-long encampment,
dubbed “the Tent Republic”.
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I have some pictures here.
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Lasting for almost three months,
this protest called the tent republic.
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Syntagma Square in Athens too was filled
with tents and make shift dwelling places
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and became a site of
lasting popular assemblies
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and daily clashes with the local authorities.
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In Zuccotti Park, New York, activists
tapped into the electricity grid
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via lantern posts and set up
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semi-autonomous mesh networks
for the benefit of the protesters.
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Though numerous commentators pointed out
the role played by new technologies such as
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social networks and smart phones,
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in facilitating the protests it was
the city's square
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as old as political thought,
which was the true common denominator.
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Our understanding of the rights of free speech
and assembly as well as the concept of
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participatory democracy are deeply indebted
to the development of the Greek city state,
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the Polis, and later
the Roman public square.
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In nearly every protest occurring
around this time,
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the spatial dimension of political action
was once again affirmed.
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Might this significance be altered by the
emergence of new technologies of control
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and new modes of resistance?
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As Hannah Arendt pointed out,
the idea of Polis,
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which for her denoted the public realm
of a political community,
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does not necessarily designate
the physical location of the Greek city state,
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rather this form of public realm
as the organisation of the people, quote:
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"as it raises out of acting and
speaking together", end of quote.
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Thus it's all the more fitting that when
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the People’s Party of Spain passed
its draconic law,
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demonstrators were quick to
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seek an alternative to bodily presence
and physical space.
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Their solution was a hologram protest,
the first ever.
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The first ever, as media outlets
were quick to point out,
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skillfully choreographed and artfully projected
in front of the gates of congress in Madrid.
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The Independent, the newspaper reported:
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“Spanish activists have staged the world's
first ever virtual political demonstration.”
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The Daily Mails headline read:
“The world's first hologram protest.”
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And News India asked and answered:
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“Ghosts on Spain's street?
No it's world's first virtual protest.”
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In an interview, Cristina Flesher Fominaya,
spokeperson for the activist group,
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that organised the hologram intervention,
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"No somos delito" –
in English "We are not a crime"
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explained how it all came together.
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A group of creative professionals,
who decided to remain anonymous,
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provided the needed technical support
prior to the outdoor projection,
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which lasted for the course of an hour.
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The campaign was developed online.
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A webpage with the slightly lofty title
"Holograms for Freedom",
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in which anyone can leave their hologram,
a written message, or a shoutout,
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was where it started.
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Finally these composite images were screened
across a transparent screen and looped.
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By representing people as holograms,
which appear in a particular cool blueish tone
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reminiscent of surveillance camera footage,
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the protest organiser seem to elude to the
popular depiction of a dystopian totalitarian state.
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Spectors, for once quite literally,
haunted the sterile streets
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voicing the grievance
of those barred from assembling there
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The event had been rehearsed, performed, and
recorded in a nearby city and the equipment
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had been installed in Madrid by a
PR company in a clandestine operation.
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A tech savvy, [unwittingly] absurd way
to demonstrate without violating the new law.
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Instead of public space,
the demonstrators inhabited a new medium.
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After all, bodies in public space
pose a problem in contemporary politics.
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The natural corporal vulnerability of protesting
was now intensified by the threat
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of disproportionate financial penalisation.
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This was a proxy protest fit
for the age of proxy politics.
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So, what is a proxy then,
like the way we understand it?
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A proxy is a decoy or a surrogate.
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The word derives from the Latin procurator
(Prokurator), meaning someone responsible
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for representing someone else
in a court of law.
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These days, the word proxy is often used
to designate a computer server
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acting as an intermediary
for request from clients.
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These servers afford
indirect connections to a network,
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thus providing users with anonymity.
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However, proxy servers
are not distinct technology
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to hide users but can also be set up
for the opposite task: to monitor traffic.
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Proxy politics, as defined by Hito Steyerl,
as the politics of the stand-in and the decoy,
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is characterised by fraudulent contracts,
calmarical sovereignties, and void authorities.
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The concept of the proxy is emblematic
of our post representational,
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post democratic political age.
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Disembodyment and invisibility of politics
and its increasing subordination
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to economic interests.
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So, this political age is one
increasingly populated by bot militias,
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puppet states, ghostwriters,
and communication relays.
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So now one paragraph on post democracy,
or the post representational,
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what it actually means.
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There is a book by Colin Crouch.
It's entitled “Post Democracy”.
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And there he describes the
current political condition
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as one in which power is
increasingly relinquish to business lobbies
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and non-governmental organisations.
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As a result, he argues, quote:
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"There is little hope for an agenda
of strong egalitarian policies
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for the redistribution of power and wealth
or for the restraint of powerful interests."
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As a corollary to the rise of neo-liberalism,
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the vision of an autonomous potent
political subject is devastated
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by the growing power of privileged elites,
standing at the nexus of transnational
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corporations, extra juridical zones,
infrastructural authorities,
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non governmental organisations,
and covert rule.
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Similarly, Jacques Rancière,
in his book entitled "Post Democracy",
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he refers to democratic action,
post-democracy in the government practice,
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and conceptual legitimisation
of a democracy after the demos,
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a democracy that has eliminated
the appearance, miscount,
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and dispute of the energies and interests.
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At the heart of this condition
lies an ontology of deception,
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where the public realm is conceived
as a series of smoke screens,
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false flags, and simulations.
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The democratic appearance of the people
is strictly opposed by its simulated reality.
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One, which is set up by the conjunction
of media proliferation of whatever is visible
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and the endless count of opinions polled
and votes simulated.
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With this concept of double government,
policital scientist Michael Glennen
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has introduced a vision of US political power,
split between elected government officials,
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and a network of institutions constituting a disguised republic.
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Glennan traces this phenomenon back to
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World War II and president Truman's signing
of the national security act of 1947,
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which established, among others,
the Central Intelligence Agency, the CIA.
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Since then, he argues, the United Staates
has moved toward a double government,
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wherein even the president exercises
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little substantive over the overall direction
of US national security policy.
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Similarly, in Turkey, Egypt, Yemen, and Syria,
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political commentators have used
the notion of the deep state
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to describe the nexus of police,
intelligence services, politicians,
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and organised crime.
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Surely, secrecy, or discretion,
to use its diplomatic euphemism,
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is as old as politics itself.
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But its recent resurgence
under the guise of democratic rule
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reveals “arcana imperii”,
the secrets of governance,
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to be all but arcane.
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So the age of proxy politics is thus one
in which power is displaced
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into the hands of
extra juridical unchecked authorities.
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Whether by way of covered institutions
that it builds in classified budgets,
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organised crimes, and grey markets,
or no less disturbingly
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through gross privatisation
and the rise of transnational corporations.
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According to Sheldon Wallin,
the paradox of our current regime
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is that the more open to the
pressures of organised interests,
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the more opaque even
mysterious politics becomes.
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Consequently, responsibility becomes
virtually untraceable.
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In her “Lying in politics”,
a text published in 1972,
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written in response to the revelation
of the Pentagon Papers,
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Hannah Arendt lamented the beginning
of an age, in which image making has become
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the core value of American global policy.
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When image makers govern,
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the institutions of representational democracy
are destined to become a mere semblance.
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The recent example came as the house of
representatives voted in May 2015
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to end bulk surveillance by the NSA.
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Rather than bringing
all bulk surveillance to an end,
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the vote merely took the government
out of the collection business.
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It would not deny its access to the information,
it would be in the hands of the private sector.
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Almost certainly telecommunications companies
like ATT, Verizon, and Sprint.
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In other words, even after
seemingly successful governmental reform,
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it was revealed that the corridors of power
lay elsewhere between politics
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and the private sector.
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So popular protests in one country
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are often convicts for the
expansion of power in another.
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In the aftermath of a successful,
non violent-regime change in Belgrade,
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activits behind the Otpor movement
relayed their experiences into
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tutorials and training camps,
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teaching activists in numerous countries
how to ignite and lead a revolution.
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What's more,
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Srđa Popović and Slobodan Đinović,
both former Otpor activists,
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founded CANVAS, which is the Center for
Applied Non-Violent Actions and Strategies.
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With the aim of educating
pro-democracy activists around the world
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in what they regard as the “universal principles
for success in non violent struggle”.
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CANVAS has trained activists
in more than 50 countries,
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including Iran, Ukraine, Palestine, and recently
Tunisia and Egypt, to name but a few.
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By late November 2000, an article in the
New York Times had revealed
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that prior to the revolution,
Otpor had received funds
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from US government affiliated organisations,
such as the National Endowment for Democracy.
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In addition, their ties to the private
global intelligence company “Stratfor”,
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also know as the “shadow CIA”,
prompted questions concerning
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00:17:56,900 --> 00:18:03,350
activists’ involvement in
global American covert foreign policy.
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00:18:03,350 --> 00:18:07,760
So how might proxy politics be more
than just a condition,
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the name of a political regime that thrives
an obscurity, opaqueness, and decoys?
234
00:18:13,980 --> 00:18:19,400
How might it also designate
a corresponding mode of resistance?
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00:18:19,400 --> 00:18:25,420
Ideally, proxy politics would encompass
myriad modes of withdrawal,
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both technical and metaphorical.
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Its tools could be a VPN, a holographic
surrogate, a stock image, or a double.
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Its outcome is always concealment,
evasion, subterfuge.
239
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The hope is that strategies
such as these
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might be effective during our
current interim phase,
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the period in which the difference between
real virtuality and virtual reality,
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the tangible and the digital is
increasingly difficult to discern.
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00:19:02,380 --> 00:19:04,040
At the same time, it is becoming
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00:19:04,040 --> 00:19:08,880
increasingly evident, how severely
controlled both spheres are.
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00:19:08,880 --> 00:19:12,840
The world wide web, by
way of its architecture and protocols,
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00:19:12,840 --> 00:19:18,480
and public space by
increasing privatisations.
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As Alexander Galloway has observed,
instead of a [politicisation] of time or space,
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00:19:23,690 --> 00:19:25,910
we are witnessing a rise in the
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00:19:25,910 --> 00:19:34,350
[politicisation] of absence- and presence-oriented
themes, such as invisibility, opacity, and anonymity.
250
00:19:34,350 --> 00:19:38,450
Or the relationship between
identification and legibility,
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00:19:38,450 --> 00:19:42,210
or the tactics of
non-existence and disappearance.
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00:19:42,210 --> 00:19:49,480
New struggles around prevention,
therapeutics of the body, piracy on contagion,
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00:19:49,480 --> 00:19:54,860
information capture and the
making present of data via data mining.
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00:19:54,860 --> 00:19:59,030
According to Galloway,
recent protest movements' refusal
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00:19:59,030 --> 00:20:03,670
to make clear demands is
a form of black boxing.
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00:20:03,670 --> 00:20:09,260
A conscious withdrawal from political
representation and collective bargaining.
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00:20:09,260 --> 00:20:16,280
The choice is for relations, relays and links,
in the words of Édouard Glissant.
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All qualities associated with the proxy.
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00:20:20,360 --> 00:20:30,020
This politicisation upholds the right to opacity,
also a quote from Glissant.
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00:20:30,020 --> 00:20:35,720
Rather than reverting once again
to the age-old demand for transparency.
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00:20:35,720 --> 00:20:40,330
For Glissant, opacity is the force
that drives every community,
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00:20:40,330 --> 00:20:48,420
the thing that would bring us together forever
and makes us permanently distinctive.
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00:20:48,420 --> 00:20:53,060
Recently in Paris,
264
00:20:53,060 --> 00:20:58,100
where the state of emergency, declared in
the wake of recent terror attacks,
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00:20:58,100 --> 00:21:02,680
prevented climate change activists from
assembling in public spaces
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00:21:02,680 --> 00:21:08,550
during the climate change summit,
protesters installed over 10.000 pairs of shoes
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00:21:08,550 --> 00:21:10,500
at Place de la République,
268
00:21:10,500 --> 00:21:14,900
theatrically standing in place
of the absent bodies.
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00:21:14,900 --> 00:21:17,720
Images of the square circulated
widely in the media,
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emphasising the inherent mediatisation
of contemporary protest
271
00:21:22,280 --> 00:21:28,540
and the need for effective images,
not necessarily real bodies.
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00:21:28,540 --> 00:21:33,620
Holograms and shoes function as
placeholders, making it all the more possible
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00:21:33,620 --> 00:21:40,400
for images of absent bodies to
communicate large scale discontent.
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00:21:40,400 --> 00:21:44,620
So in reference to the
wave of protest in 2011,
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00:21:44,620 --> 00:21:49,260
Judith Butler has suggested that
protest in public space has, quote:
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00:21:49,260 --> 00:21:53,500
"become politically potent only
when and if we have a visual and audible
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00:21:53,500 --> 00:21:59,640
version of the scene communicated in
live time, so that the media
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00:21:59,640 --> 00:22:04,950
does not merely report the scene,
but is part of the scene and the action;
279
00:22:04,950 --> 00:22:10,360
indeed, the media is the scene or the space
in its extended and replicable
280
00:22:10,360 --> 00:22:13,870
visual and audible dimension."
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00:22:13,870 --> 00:22:18,740
In Madrid, the shadow-like figures
in the hologram embodied a double movement,
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00:22:18,740 --> 00:22:24,080
a process of deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation.
283
00:22:24,080 --> 00:22:27,410
Slogans and shouts were
crowdsourced online
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00:22:27,410 --> 00:22:30,980
and synced with holographic images
filmed in a nearby city.
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00:22:30,980 --> 00:22:37,230
Then, the resulting image was meticulously
reworked to match the
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00:22:37,230 --> 00:22:41,260
distances and angles of the scene
in front of congress.
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00:22:43,920 --> 00:22:51,110
So in recent years, there has been a
growing interest in the reterritorialisation
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00:22:51,110 --> 00:22:52,950
of the internet.
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00:22:52,950 --> 00:22:59,060
The artist Trevor Paglen and theoreticians,
such as Tung Hui Hu and Keller Easterling,
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00:22:59,060 --> 00:23:02,730
have drawn attention to the
materiality of the Internet,
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00:23:02,730 --> 00:23:06,910
data centres, undersea cables,
and routers, which in turn
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00:23:06,910 --> 00:23:12,330
rely on hydro-electric power stations
and dams for electricity, as well as
293
00:23:12,330 --> 00:23:20,470
railway tracks and telegraph lines
for communication routes.
294
00:23:20,470 --> 00:23:26,620
The web, until recently associated with
immateriality, virtually and spacelessness
295
00:23:26,620 --> 00:23:30,970
as exemplified by the
popularity of the term “cyberspace”,
296
00:23:30,970 --> 00:23:34,520
clearly has a body,
a sprawling physical infrastructure
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00:23:34,520 --> 00:23:38,190
and ever-growing ecological footprint.
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00:23:38,190 --> 00:23:43,590
The benign-sounding “cloud” is nothing less
than a publicity ploy for a vast campaign
299
00:23:43,590 --> 00:23:49,250
to centralise digital data, and to turn
software and hardware into a black box.
300
00:23:49,250 --> 00:23:56,480
As our computers have become thinner and sleeker,
the weight of the cloud has only grown greater.
301
00:23:56,480 --> 00:24:00,140
So the body politic is now
intertwined with the body of the web,
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00:24:00,140 --> 00:24:04,380
and the web, the world wide,
is constrained by
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00:24:04,380 --> 00:24:08,360
national policies and geographical realities.
304
00:24:08,360 --> 00:24:10,070
In October 2015,
305
00:24:10,070 --> 00:24:14,630
citizens in Thailand protested against
their military government's plan to
306
00:24:14,630 --> 00:24:21,410
channel Internet traffic to international
servers through a single network gateway,
307
00:24:21,410 --> 00:24:25,859
with the intention of perfecting
state surveillance and censorship.
308
00:24:26,280 --> 00:24:31,080
This political move was dubbed
“The Great Firewall of Thailand”.
309
00:24:31,080 --> 00:24:36,510
As in Madrid, the choice of protest space
corresponded with the space,
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00:24:36,510 --> 00:24:39,320
the new law was tailored for.
311
00:24:39,320 --> 00:24:43,420
The military government's websites were
targeted and downed for several hours by
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00:24:43,420 --> 00:24:45,990
denial of service attacks.
313
00:24:45,990 --> 00:24:50,620
The online action was reported beyond
activist platforms and international media,
314
00:24:50,620 --> 00:24:55,609
however, it lacked images that could
represent the bodies of those who would
315
00:24:55,609 --> 00:24:57,900
literally be barred from leaving Thailand
316
00:24:57,900 --> 00:25:01,500
where the government was
following through on its plans
317
00:25:01,500 --> 00:25:04,370
for greater surveillance and censorship.
318
00:25:04,370 --> 00:25:06,560
In the meantime, the
hacker collective “Anonymous”
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00:25:06,560 --> 00:25:10,640
declared cyberwar on the Thai government.
320
00:25:10,640 --> 00:25:14,780
Operation “Single Gateway” targeted
Thai police servers in an effort to
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00:25:14,780 --> 00:25:20,840
demonstrate the actual vulnerability
of virtual state institutions.
322
00:25:22,250 --> 00:25:28,290
So, how can one possibly grasp the current
relation between the digital and its outside,
323
00:25:28,800 --> 00:25:34,820
back when the Internet was still thought of
as synonymous with cyberspace?
324
00:25:34,820 --> 00:25:38,490
Both were clearly defined as separate.
325
00:25:38,490 --> 00:25:40,110
A quote from Wendy Chun:
326
00:25:40,110 --> 00:25:44,020
"Cyberspace as a virtual non-place made
the Internet so much more
327
00:25:44,020 --> 00:25:45,930
than a network of networks:
328
00:25:45,930 --> 00:25:51,570
It became a place in which things happened,
in which users’ actions separated from their bodies,
329
00:25:51,570 --> 00:25:56,520
and in which local standards became
impossible to determine.
330
00:25:56,520 --> 00:26:01,040
It thus freed users from their locations."
331
00:26:01,040 --> 00:26:05,580
So in the 1990s, the Internet was
imagined to be a perfect frontier
332
00:26:05,580 --> 00:26:07,870
science fiction dream come true,
333
00:26:07,870 --> 00:26:14,010
where users could navigate as powerful agents,
invisible and free of physical constraints.
334
00:26:14,010 --> 00:26:19,750
Yet, as Wendy Chun in her book
“Control and Freedom”, published in 2006,
335
00:26:19,750 --> 00:26:23,280
as she has demonstrated,
the world wide web was designed
336
00:26:23,280 --> 00:26:27,020
as a technology of control from the start,
337
00:26:27,020 --> 00:26:34,170
geographically rooted and constantly
monitoring its users via protocols such as TCP/IP.
338
00:26:34,170 --> 00:26:38,630
So in what way does virtuality challenge
our conception of public space
339
00:26:38,630 --> 00:26:42,059
and the mobilisation of human bodies?
340
00:26:42,059 --> 00:26:48,630
As we have seen, the digital and the real
coalesce in ever new forms and devices.
341
00:26:48,630 --> 00:26:51,330
And despite the gaming industry's
recent success in
342
00:26:51,330 --> 00:26:55,290
bringing early visions of virtual reality
to technical perfection,
343
00:26:55,290 --> 00:27:00,900
think of Oculus Rift, or something
like the body snap app,
344
00:27:00,900 --> 00:27:05,510
prior myth of virtual reality are slowly,
but certainly eroding.
345
00:27:05,510 --> 00:27:09,290
The old demarcations between
the human body in physical space
346
00:27:09,290 --> 00:27:15,420
and the so called “immateriality of the
digital sphere” are superseded.
347
00:27:15,420 --> 00:27:21,580
Attempts to conceptualise the
effect of the synthetic face-to-screen situation
348
00:27:21,580 --> 00:27:26,310
either one that this is downfall
of the sovereign subject or
349
00:27:26,310 --> 00:27:32,560
extricate emancipatory potential from
the entanglement of humans and technology.
350
00:27:32,680 --> 00:27:38,070
How then might a proxy give way to
different bodily modes and morphologies
351
00:27:38,070 --> 00:27:41,360
a body both present and absent?
352
00:27:41,360 --> 00:27:46,300
Whereas Donna Haraway and Rosi Braidotti
have attempted to destabilise the subject
353
00:27:46,300 --> 00:27:52,070
as it was conceived during the 20th century,
exploring notions as the cyborg
354
00:27:52,070 --> 00:27:55,760
in conceptualising a feminist post humanism.
355
00:27:55,760 --> 00:28:03,820
Might the proxy antagonistically restabilise
a very concrete subject in a synthetic situation,
356
00:28:03,820 --> 00:28:07,890
is a proxy a techno body,
does it have flesh after all?
357
00:28:07,890 --> 00:28:12,470
Might it serve as the object other of the
high tech clean and efficient bodies
358
00:28:12,470 --> 00:28:16,720
endorsed by contemporary culture
as Haraway envisions?
359
00:28:17,060 --> 00:28:21,060
Or rather as a nomadic device
that enables people to become
360
00:28:21,060 --> 00:28:25,030
post human subjects in Braidotti's
line of thought?
361
00:28:25,030 --> 00:28:32,820
Braidotti warns of a fatal nostalgia for
either, humanist past or the cold war cyborg.
362
00:28:32,820 --> 00:28:39,640
And instead proposes that we embraced
vulnerability, take pride in being flesh.
363
00:28:40,350 --> 00:28:44,869
Her post-human theory aims at
shaping and shifting new subjectivities
364
00:28:44,869 --> 00:28:48,989
against modern humanism,
a school of thought she criticises
365
00:28:48,989 --> 00:28:54,170
for its wide male supremacy,
eurocentric normativity, imperial past,
366
00:28:54,450 --> 00:28:58,790
and inhuman consequences.
367
00:28:58,790 --> 00:29:03,279
So proxies permit human bodies
to step out of the line of fire
368
00:29:03,279 --> 00:29:08,540
to evade forensics,
the lack of a human silhouette,
369
00:29:08,540 --> 00:29:13,610
face, or fixed physiognomy
and can be associated with numerous
370
00:29:13,610 --> 00:29:16,460
individuals wherever they are.
371
00:29:16,460 --> 00:29:22,420
Rather than the avatar, a creatively designed
porn in the network gaming environment,
372
00:29:22,420 --> 00:29:27,910
they assume either a transformative
shape and form, or none at all.
373
00:29:27,910 --> 00:29:30,100
Last two sentences. chuckles
374
00:29:30,100 --> 00:29:36,640
Proxies are necessary in
contemporary political struggle,
375
00:29:36,640 --> 00:29:40,510
they're counter figures to
capitalist self improvement
376
00:29:40,510 --> 00:29:43,980
or a [???] opaque other.
377
00:29:43,980 --> 00:29:48,650
So proxies provide an escape route
from a schizophrenic situation,
378
00:29:48,650 --> 00:29:56,320
which denies or limits bodies to being
mere vessels of biotechnological information.
379
00:29:56,320 --> 00:30:03,740
Proxies offer a path toward a new,
a fleeting relation as sovereign bodies.
380
00:30:04,400 --> 00:30:06,900
Thank you.
381
00:30:06,900 --> 00:30:11,199
applause
382
00:30:11,919 --> 00:30:14,850
Herald: Thank you very much for the
spontaneity and the talk
383
00:30:14,850 --> 00:30:17,640
and I think there might be time
for questions outside.
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00:30:18,480 --> 00:30:19,840
Thank you.
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00:30:19,840 --> 00:30:24,520
postroll music
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00:30:24,520 --> 00:30:31,000
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