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Étienne Chouard - 10 raisons de sortir de l'Union Européenne

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    Free Culture
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    Etienne Chouard
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    10 reasons to leave the European Union
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    Part 1
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    The European Constitution, the third part of it, and all of this had been written in a treaty
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    without constituent assembly… The European Constitution,
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    the third part of it, imposed a form of politics, the liberal politics.
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    It took us most part of the debates, however, it seems to me that in the first part of it,
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    there were things much worse. So my point is to sum up with you,
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    maybe quite quickly so that it’s not… so that it’s not boring
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    10 key points that seem to me absolutely revolting ,
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    that citizens should know of, which are part of the European Institutions,
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    institutions that have been written without our agreement, have not been debated with our consultation
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    and in the end, when we were consulted, and said no,
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    they were however imposed on us through the Parliament,
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    with the Treaty of Lisbon.
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    It seems to me rather important that the citizens should know,
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    That among the thousands of articles of these Institutions, there are things against their own interest.
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    The first point is that the European Institutions,
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    And that’s in the first part, doom us to massive unemployment.
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    1 - The European Union encourages massive unemployment.
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    Of course it’s not written this way, of course in the European institutions,
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    it is not said “The Institutions warrant that unemployment rate will be high.”
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    If it were written like this, we would have had revolutions… No, it’s more wicked:
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    in the first part, an independent central bank is planned,
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    having therefore no orders to receive from the people you’ve elected,
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    you can vote for the extremes, the left wing, the right wing or the centrists, whoever you want
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    the central bank is no longer accountable to the people you elect
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    either in your country, or in Europe,
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    and, which goes together with this point is that this bank’s mission, its one and only mission, its priority,
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    THE European Central Bank’s mission is to fight inflation.
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    Now, all the bankers in the world know that to fight inflation, to turn this into a priority
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    will end up in unemployment of the most disadvantaged people, the weakest ones.
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    Well, there are lots of books on this topic,
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    Still there are two that are particularly worth knowing:
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    A first book by Fitoussi, published in 2005, I think, yes that’s it January 2005.
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    So this book was published during the campaign, it’s called: “The politics of powerlessness”.
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    This book… So that you know, Fitoussi is not at all a revolutionary person
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    he’s very, very moderate, balanced. He’s an interesting economist
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    and he’s the one who uses these words, saying:
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    “All the bankers in the world know that, when they follow one goal,
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    which is to fight inflation, it ends up in unemployment.”
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    When Fitoussi says that, I think we could say it in a way even more radical
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    and more virulent and more outraged.
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    How do we know… Well, by what mechanisms the fight against inflation
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    results in unemployment and vice versa?
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    Well, you have to know that economists are at war with each other on this topic.
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    We also have to understand why they are at war
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    And who the economists are.
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    So, I begin with what seems most important to me,
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    In the economists’ thought, one of them called Phillips established, through observation
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    (he didn’t explain why it is like that),
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    But based on the statistics of one century he noticed that the inflation periods
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    Were periods of low unemployment rate and vice versa.
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    Actually, Phillips noticed this on the wages and other economists after him
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    Established the link between the wages and inflation and in the end, the combination of their works,
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    Made it clear that figures of the statistics of one century show that
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    When you have a high unemployment rate, you have a low inflation rate,
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    And when you have a high inflation rate, you have a low unemployment rate.
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    After that, to understand the reason why is a huge debate among economists.
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    There are some people, who disagree on the mechanisms,
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    But, you know, it’s an empirical truth: we do notice that
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    Fighting against unemployment will increase the wages and so will inflation.
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    Well, we can understand, there are some mechanisms quite simple:
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    When there is a low unemployment rate, when you are sure you’ll find a job,
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    If you lose your job, you’re going to find another one,
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    You’re going to be more demanding when you have another job
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    And ask for your wages, because you have… because you’re not in a precarious situation,
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    You are not afraid for your job,
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    You know that you’re going to find another one, there are jobs for everybody
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    You will be demanding when asking for your wages. And the firms impact the wages,
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    which are costs for them, they impact them on the prices.
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    So there is actually a logic, quite simple, and surely quite strong.
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    It’s not the only mechanism but it’s one of them that we have to know.
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    On the contrary, a high unemployment rate enables the employers to impose low wages
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    Because as people are afraid for their job, they are not demanding,
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    they are more submitted and there is less pressure on the wages,
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    so there is less pressure on the costs, so it enables the employers
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    to go on making high benefits without their having to pay high wages.
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    So Friedman and a bunch of economists that we can define as prostituted,
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    I think that, generally speaking, the economists have a prostituted thought,
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    it’s a harsh attack, sure, but I think it’s so obvious,
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    that it’s however difficult to question this,
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    we can’t say that all of them are prostituted,
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    there are economists, few, that are humanist, honest, resisting
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    and not prostituted, not corrupted by the richest people
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    but the main reason why the economist were born was
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    to make durable the domination of the richest people,
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    to justify and legitimate,
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    make natural, as if it was a unquestionable and natural fact,
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    “let’s talk about something else now”, the domination of the richest people.
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    Ricardo was the son of a banker, himself involved in the financial business and he protected,
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    with his economic theory, the interests of the class he belonged to.
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    So the economists, for example Friedman,
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    contest the correlation there is, as reversed proportions,
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    between inflation and unemployment saying : “Not at all…
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    there were a few years in the 70’s, when the correlation
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    was not noticed. And they took this variation in the statistics
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    as a pretext to argue that the principle was not right,
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    when actually you could as well say that the principle is right,
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    most of the time because most of the time when you fight against unemployment
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    will end up in inflation and if this inflation goes on will make the unemployment rate decrease.
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    We can say it in other words: this principle is most of the time witnessed,
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    and indeed in the 70’s it was not, certainly for reasons
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    that are still to determine, other reasons that were stronger,
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    in this couple of years , than the general principle, but which are
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    no reason enough to declare Phillips’ work null.
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    So the little book I suggest you read, written by Liêm Hoang-Ngoc,
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    hard to pronounce and to remember but he’s a good economist,
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    a young man who’s made an absolutely remarkable work on other topics as well,
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    this book’s called “The fabulous destiny of the Phillips’ curve”.
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    This is a good little book, which is useful to remind people of Phillips’ work,
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    and it shows the ideological fight,
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    cause it’s damn important for the employers to prevent being said
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    that we have to chose between inflation and unemployment
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    and that in the end the society’s choice for the economy is inflation
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    or unemployment, because what they want is unemployment.
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    They know it’s linked but they cannot admit it, that inflation gnaws their gold pile I mean,
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    whereas as for the workers and the firms…
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    Workers are not bothered by inflation.
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    If you have an indexation… Maurice Allais, Nobel Prize in Economy
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    stands for the idea of the general indexation of the wages, the rents, the loans on the inflation,
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    so that nobody is put at a disadvantage,
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    so that the unit of monetary measure is not variable
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    Let’s imagine that a mile would constantly change its length,
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    It would be very complicated to measure anything.
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    In the same way, a currency must have a stable value
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    In order for the actors to have points of reference that can be trusted.
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    So in a general indexation background
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    if wages fluctuate together with the inflation, you don’t have anything to fear from inflation,
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    you have a shield protecting you against inflation.
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    And if the rent are indexed on the inflation, the landlords
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    renting their buildings are protected against inflation.
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    So in the end who does inflation put at a disadvantage?
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    People who have cash, people who have a lot of money,
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    in particular people who have huge amounts of fiduciary money.
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    This money loses value, dramatically.
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    If you have between 10% and 15% of inflation, these people,
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    and there are so few of them,
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    there are very few people who have lots of cash, to the point
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    they really worry about it, very few people.
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    So shall these people…
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    these people’s interests be given priority on general interest ?
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    It seems to me the answer is no. A bit of inflation, a general indexation so
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    in the end everyday people are protected against inflation,
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    if this makes it possible to fight unemployment and to give everyone a job,
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    well, listen, it’s a society’s choice, which, at least,
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    could be the object of a public debate. We could discuss it.
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    Well no, the European Union decided for you,
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    you didn’t have your say in the matter: in 1957 was established,
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    with the Treaty of Rome, a system,
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    that was very cleverly done because during the first years,
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    for 20 years actually, the Treaty of Rome was not enforced.
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    It was established but not enforced. So people,
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    in the beginning had been very suspicious. Mendès France stormed against it, sayting:
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    “This is not good at all, we are going to lose our sovereign power.
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    We have many things to lose with this treaty.” And then, years going by,
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    and nothing changing: we were protectionist, nationalist,
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    we had control on our currency,
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    in the end this treaty didn’t make any difference in our lives.
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    there was a control of trade and exchange, we had our currency,
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    there was no free trade. This treaty established things that were not enforced
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    We let it go, we lowered our guard.
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    We were not suspicious and in the 80’s, without breathing a word of it,
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    to us, they enforced the Treaty of Rome,
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    they started to implement it. They started to implement free trade,
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    to liberalize the capital, the capital movements,
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    to authorize the free establishment of any firm anywhere,
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    in any State, thus authorizing, they authorized
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    the competition of all against all.
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    And we were asleep, we had lowered our guard
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    and every time brave militants were protesting
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    they were answered back: “Come on
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    you’re protesting against something that was written in 1957!”
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    That is very clever. Very clever indeed. To implement a system step by step,
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    gradually, people don’t see anything, well yes they see but you know…
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    It’s not important enough to rebel against it. And eventually
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    you have an awful machine that has been established,
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    and that has been established at the highest level of law, constitutional law,
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    and even on the international level, with treaties that are not revisable,
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    unless there is a unanimity, and the more we are,
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    the more unanimity becomes a block, the total impossibility
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    to change anything. And that’s where we are. Because we are 27 and the unanimity at 27…
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    we will never be able to change anything to these treaties anymore.
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    So, to get back to what I said in the beginning, the first point, loathsome point,
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    truly loathsome, really a reason to revolt, to start a revolution!
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    is the institutionalization of unemployment,
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    the constitutional obligation, the condemnation to massive unemployment.
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    I do think it is very serious!
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    The monetary politics is able to influence the relation between inflation and unemployment,
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    playing on the interest rates and the creation of money.
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    The choice that has been made by the oligarchs is massive unemployment
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    and the less inflation possible, which goes together. And they didn’t tell you
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    “massive unemployment” they told you “less inflation possible”,
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    saying it is to protect the weakest. Bullshit!
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    It’s not to protect the weakest it’s to protect the richest
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Title:
Étienne Chouard - 10 raisons de sortir de l'Union Européenne
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
French
Duration:
59:05

English subtitles

Incomplete

Revisions