The life, legacy & assassination of an African revolutionary - Lisa Janae Bacon

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In 1972, Thomas Sankara was swept into the revolution seeking to wrest control of Madagascar from France's lingering colonial rule. The protests inspired the West African native to read works by socialist leaders and seek wisdom from military strategy. Leaving Madagascar in 1973, he was determined to free his country from its colonial legacy. Lisa Bacon details the life of the revolutionary icon.

Lesson by Lisa Janae Bacon, directed by Tomás Pichardo-Espaillat.

In 1972, Thomas Sankara
was swept into a revolution

for a country not his own.

Hailing from the West African nation
of Burkina Faso—

then known as Upper Volta—

the 22-year-old soldier
had travelled to Madagascar

to study at their military academy.

But upon arriving,
he found a nation in conflict.

Local revolutionaries
sought to wrest control of Madagascar

from France’s lingering colonial rule.

These protestors
inspired Sankara

to read works by socialist leaders
like Karl Marx

and seek wisdom from military strategy.

When he returned to Upper Volta in 1973,

Sankara was determined to free
his country from its colonial legacy.

Born in 1949,

Sankara was raised
in a relatively privileged household

as the third of ten children.

His parents wanted him to be a priest,
but like many of his peers,

Sankara saw the military
as the perfect institution

to rid Upper Volta of corruption.

After returning from Madagascar,

he became famous for his charisma
and transparent oratorial style—

but he was less popular
with the reigning government.

Led by President Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo,

this administration came to power
in the 3rd consecutive coup d’état

in Upper Volta’s recent history.

The administration’s policies
were a far cry

from the sweeping changes
Sankara proposed,

but, by 1981,
Sankara’s popularity won out,

earning him a role
in Ouédraogo’s government.

Nicknamed “Africa’s Che Guevara,"
Sankara rapidly rose through the ranks,

and within two years,
he was appointed Prime Minister.

In his new role,
he delivered rallying speeches

to impoverished communities,
women, and young people.

He even tried to persuade
other governments to form alliances

based on their shared colonial legacy.

But Ouédraogo and his advisors
felt threatened by Sankara’s new position.

They thought his communist beliefs would
harm alliances with capitalist countries,

and just months
after becoming Prime Minister,

Ouédraogo’s administration
forced Sankara from the job

and placed him on house arrest.

Little did the President know

this act would fuel Upper Volta’s
4th coup d’état in 17 years.

Civilian protests
ensued around the capital,

and the government ground to a halt

while Sankara tried to negotiate
a peaceful transition.

During this time, Blaise Compaoré,

Sankara’s friend
and fellow former soldier,

foiled another coup that included
an attempt on Sankara’s life.

Eventually, Ouédraogo resigned
without further violence,

and on August 4, 1983, Thomas Sankara
became the new President of Upper Volta.

Finally in charge,
Sankara launched an ambitious program

for social and economic change.

As one of his first agenda items,
he renamed the country

from its French colonial title
"Upper Volta" to "Burkina Faso,"

which translates
to “Land of Upright Men."

Over the next four years he established
a nation-wide literacy campaign,

ordered the planting
of over 10 million trees,

and composed a new national anthem—

all while cutting down
inflated government employee salaries.

But perhaps the most unique element
of Sankara’s revolution

was his dedication to gender equality.

He cultivated a movement
for women’s liberation,

outlawing forced marriages,
polygamy and genital mutilation.

He was the first African leader to appoint
women to key political positions

and actively recruit them to the military.

However, Sankara’s socialist policies
were met with much resistance.

Many students and elites
believed his economic plans

would alienate Burkina Faso
from its capitalist peers.

His crackdown
on the misuse of public funds

turned government officials
against him as well.

After four years,
what began as an empowering revolution

had isolated many influential Burkinabes.

But Sankara was not ready
to yield his power.

He executed
increasingly authoritarian actions,

including banning trade unions
and the free press.

Eventually, his autocratic tendencies

turned even his closest friends
against him.

On October 15, 1987,

Sankara was conducting a meeting
when a group of assailants

swarmed his headquarters.

Sankara was assassinated in the attack,

and many believe the raid was ordered
by his friend Blaise Compaoré.

Though his legacy is complicated,

many of Sankara’s policies have proven
themselves to be ahead of their time.

In the past decade,

Burkinabe youth have celebrated
Sankara’s political philosophy,

and nearby countries like Ghana have even
adopted Sankara’s economic models.

On March 2, 2019 a statue of Sankara
was erected in Burkina Faso’s capital,

establishing his place
as an icon of revolution for his country

and throughout the world.