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Trouble 14: Fighting Where We Stand

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    Greetings Troublemakers
    ... welcome to Trouble.
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    My name is not important.
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    From the endless turf battles
    found within the animal kingdom,
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    to the mechanized
    carnage of modern warfare...
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    the drive to control territory is a
    potent and recurring source of conflict.
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    Yet within the artificial borders that
    fortify the so-called “developed world”,
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    this type of conflict, like all others,
    is carefully managed.
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    Which is not to say it doesn’t exist.
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    People quarrel with their neighbours
    all the time, even in suburbia
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    … and in places like
    Chicago’s South Side,
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    young men routinely get shot
    fighting over street corners.
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    As groups and individuals,
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    we face differing types and levels
    of conflict in our everyday lives
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    ... but at the end of the day,
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    the ultimate manager and
    mediator of these conflicts is the state.
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    Through their police,
    courts and prison systems,
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    states enforce laws
    that reproduce power dynamics,
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    restrict our choices,
    and regulate our behaviour.
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    The allocation of resources is determined
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    by the logic of
    the so-called “free market”,
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    whereby ownership over
    land is given official sanction
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    by the state-backed illusion
    of private property.
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    The key to the state’s
    control over our lives
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    lies in its ability to regulate all
    conflict within a given physical area.
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    It follows, then, that those of us
    seeking to steal back the power
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    to resolve conflicts on our own terms
    must first draw a firm line in the sand,
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    and deny access to the state and its
    sophisticated apparatus of social control.
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    In order to meaningfully
    assert collective autonomy,
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    we must be capable of defending territory.
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    Over the next thirty minutes,
    we will explore three autonomous zones
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    serving as living embodiments
    of defiance to state rule:
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    the ZAD, or Zone to Defend,
    in Notre-Dame-des-Landes, France,
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    the Unist’ot’en Camp located on the
    Wet’suet’en territories of so-called BC,
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    and the autonomous spaces movement
    in Ljubljana, Slovenia.
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    Along the way, we will speak
    with a number of individuals
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    who are flaunting state authority,
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    asserting control over
    the spaces they inhabit
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    ... and making a whole lot of trouble.
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    The ZAD has many realities.
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    But mostly it’s kind of a
    community where people try to
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    experiment other ways to live
    their social and political life.
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    In the end of the 1960s,
    somebody came up with an airport project
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    for this area,
    Notre-Dame-des-Landes.
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    And during all those years, the bocage
    itself is put under the status of ZAD
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    – which basically means
    Postponed Planning Zone,
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    which was transformed one day
    into Zone to be Defended.
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    So there was a big resistance
    with lots of different forms of action,
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    including sabotage, black bloc
    demonstrations, quite offensive defense.
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    Occupying land is quite
    similar to a political squat,
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    but with a strong dimension
    regarding the environment
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    and the territory we live in.
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    During all those years,
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    we did not simply organize
    politically against the airport,
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    but we also made connections locally.
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    We took care of the land.
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    Some of us settled for good.
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    And we thought out
    the future of the ZAD together.
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    So it’s been ten years now that
    structures have been created on the ZAD
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    to figure out how to live
    as autonomously as possible.
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    It necessarily means that we have
    to be able to answer our basic needs.
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    Like be fed, sleep under a roof,
    have access to medicine.
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    It’s a place that has become
    a place where you can live for free.
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    You can build your house, your cabin...
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    The occupation movement was created
    at a time when some of the peasants
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    had called for illegal
    occupation themselves.
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    When squatters came in 2007
    they were close to anarchist
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    and/or antiauthoritarian ideas.
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    Trying to work together
    and allowing for a diversity of tactics,
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    and knowing that that is our strength.
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    We’re fighting against
    this state and this project.
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    Also we come here....
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    we fight against things, but we
    also try to create things together.
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    And making things available
    and trying to share.
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    That everybody has possibilities
    and access to a place to live
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    ... to water and food.
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    So there’s a kind of hegemonic ideology.
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    Diversity of tactics has been much more
    of a theory for the past few months.
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    Certain ideas that become
    ways of judging people,
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    of excluding people from discussions.
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    So yeah there’s some kind
    of really well-organized,
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    sort of communist ideas that have taken
    a lot of place in the past few years
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    that will have a kind of discourse about
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    “you have to go to our meetings, and if
    you don’t agree you might have to leave,
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    or shut up... or maybe later on we’ll
    come beat you up with baseball bats.”
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    Some people who used sabotage
    as a tactic have been pressured
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    and even attacked for
    having dug holes in the concrete
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    of one of the roads which crosses the ZAD.
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    And someone especially was
    put in the trunk and taken out of there,
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    molested and left almost naked
    in front of a psychiatric hospital.
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    And it’s been some years that
    contesting this hegemonic power
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    of the dominant group
    has been much more difficult.
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    They tend to concentrate wealth.
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    To concentrate strategic discussions
    regarding the movement.
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    Bonds with local farmers
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    and people governing other
    institutions of the movement.
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    And they of course, deny it
    when it comes to critique.
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    We provoked a number of discussions
    on the place that their reading group,
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    called the CMDO,
    has been held among us.
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    But they never recognized, publicly,
    their group as a group of power.
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    And thus, never wanted to share that
    power with other groups or individuals.
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    It was mainly this group of
    persons which pushed towards
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    the negotiations during the evictions.
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    Well as you can see
    all around us it’s pitch black.
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    People were not expecting the expulsions
    to happen until 6am this morning,
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    local time here in France.
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    Tiny groups of people
    chose their means of actions.
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    When the police attack,
    making barricades,
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    going to harass the police
    in any form, or any way
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    ... to throwing back their own grenades
    or other forms of explosives,
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    or molotov cocktails.
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    From sabotage attempts
    ... especially on the tanks.
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    We really wanted to see one burn.
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    Digging holes to prevent
    the tanks from going further.
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    And of course, erecting barricades
    and defending them.
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    Deep in the central interior forests
    of so-called British Columbia
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    lies the unceded territory
    of the Wet’suwet’en nation.
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    Never surrendered to the
    settler-colonial Canadian state,
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    the gateway to these remote territories
    is the headwaters of the Wedzinkwah River,
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    which lies under the stewardship
    and protection of the Unist’ot’en clan,
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    one of the five house groups
    that make up the Wet’suwet’en nation.
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    For the past decade, the Unist’ot’en
    have been physically blocking
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    the construction of three major
    oil and fracked gas pipelines
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    slated to pass through their
    territories en route to refineries
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    and tankers on the Pacific coast.
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    Ground zero in this stand
    has been the Unis’to’ten Camp,
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    constructed in 2010 as a
    permanent resistance community,
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    located smack dab in the path
    of the originally proposed route
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    of the Northern Gateway, Pacific Trails,
    and Coastal Gaslink pipelines.
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    The Unist’ot’en have also established
    a checkpoint system,
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    with access to the territories
    conditional on completing
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    a Free Prior and
    Informed Consent Protocol.
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    This system grants
    the Unis’tot’en authority
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    over who gains access to their territory,
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    which has allowed them to keep
    representatives of the extractive industry
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    and Canadian state at bay.
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    This territory is unceded
    Unist’ot’en territory,
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    which is part of
    the Wet’suwet’en territory.
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    Knedebease is the hereditary chief
    that manages this territory,
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    and I am a member of that house group,
    so we manage these territories.
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    And in my view, it is not Canada.
    It’s not BC.
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    This has always been
    Wet’suwet’en territory
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    because we’ve never ceded
    or surrendered it to anybody.
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    Doesn’t belong to the crown.
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    Doesn’t belong to the federal government.
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    Doesn’t belong to
    the provincial government.
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    It belongs to Unist’ot’en.
    To my people.
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    We started travelling
    through the territories
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    back here a lot more frequently.
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    And the reason why we started
    spending a lot of time back here
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    is because there were some
    proposed pipelines that were
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    being proposed
    by industry and by government,
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    to begin doing some preliminary
    work back here to stop them.
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    You guys can’t be doing any work in here,
    because we’ve already told them no.
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    That they can’t access our territory.
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    Once we found out that industry
    was trying to force their way in,
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    we put our cabin directly in the path
    of the initial proposal for Enbridge,
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    for the bitumen pipeline that
    was proposed to come through here.
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    So the log cabin sits right
    en route of their GPS points
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    of where Enbridge initially had planned
    to put their pipelines through here.
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    At the same time, there was Coastal
    Gaslink and Pacific Trails Pipeline
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    that wanted also to put
    pipelines through our territory.
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    To me that’s not self-sustaining.
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    When it’s really quick,
    it’s boom and bust.
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    And they’ll come, and then they’ll be gone
    and they’ll leave their mess behind.
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    As you see on the sign behind
    it says checkpoint.
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    So whenever industry,
    or just anybody comes through here
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    you go through protocol,
    which you ask a series of six questions:
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    Who are you?
    Where are you from?
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    How long do you plan to stay
    if we let you in?
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    And do you work for industry or government
    that’s destroying our lands?
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    And how will your visit
    benefit Unist’ot’en?
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    And one of the key questions
    that they could not answer,
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    truthfully and honestly,
    was the question where we ask
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    “how will your visit benefit
    the people of this land?”.
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    Uhh.. I really don’t think
    there is any benefit.
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    And the reason why we turn them back
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    is because they could not pass
    simple protocol questions.
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    The RCMP was created by the government
    to keep our people off our land.
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    So, they are part of the government,
    so they too don’t pass protocol.
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    We don’t trust police,
    because we’re suspicious that your forces
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    would in to scope out our layout
    so that if there is an injunction,
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    you guys would be better prepared
    about how you’re gonna deal with us.
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    The camp serves as a beacon for other
    people who are struggling with these ideas.
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    That they might not
    be able to stop a project
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    from coming through their territories.
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    And you know,
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    for anybody to stand up to something
    like that is quite a daunting task.
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    But a lot of people who
    have studied us over the years,
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    and learned from the
    resistance that we’ve taken
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    ... they’ve taken those lessons
    and have started their own actions.
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    And there’s an incredible amount
    of economic and logistical disruption
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    that arise from that type of activity.
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    We are here today in solidarity
    with the Unist’ot’en camp.
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    We wish to share the Unist’ot’en
    hereditary chief’s clear statement
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    that they do not consent
    to having pipelines built
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    on their unceded traditional territory.
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    This colonization has always been
    about the taking of Indigenous lands.
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    We always said if we heal our people,
    then we’ll heal our land.
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    The healing center idea
    came when we realized that
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    “why aren’t our own people
    coming out here to visit us?”
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    And even though some do come, there’s
    not a high number of our own people.
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    And we realized that a lot of our people
    are still struggling
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    because of colonization.
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    From the Residential School era.
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    From the public school system
    ... lotta racism.
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    We realized that a lot of our people
    are struggling because of trauma.
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    And we realized that
    we needed a healing facility
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    that incorporated all the whole
    wellness thing that we were talking about.
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    And we wanna put our
    culture back into our people.
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    So that they will be strong
    and they will stand up.
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    When people come out
    to a space like this,
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    what they experience is land
    that's actually beginning to go
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    through the healing process.
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    This land back here that
    we’re walking through and passing through,
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    is land that was devastated
    from logging already.
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    And it’s in a process of healing.
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    It actually has berry bushes,
    so we’re surrounded by berry bushes here.
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    There are grizzly bear tracks
    a half a kilometer from here.
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    So when people come up
    to spend time here,
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    they begin to learn about the
    importance of connecting themselves
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    to the planet that is in need of healing.
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    While defending territory from
    state incursions is hard enough
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    in rural, or remote natural terrains,
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    those seeking to establish autonomous
    spaces in urban environments
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    face an additional set of challenges.
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    Cities are sites of concentrated
    state power.
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    Not only are they strongholds of
    surveillance and repression,
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    but they are also areas where
    the logic of state control
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    is thoroughly integrated
    into everyday social relations.
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    This opens the door to recuperation,
    a process whereby state power
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    constantly shifts and adapts itself
    in order to preemptively cut off
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    and assimilate potential threats
    to its authority and legitimacy.
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    This is the balancing act faced by
    urban squatter movements
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    in cities around the world, whose
    participants must constantly navigate
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    the twin minefields of eviction
    and legalization.
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    This means simultaneously
    avoiding the social isolation
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    that would make full-scale repression
    possible, while also combating
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    state and real estate developers’
    attempts to transform these spaces
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    into nothing more than
    edgy tourist destinations.
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    One of the really important
    functions of the urban occupation
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    is that it becomes
    a source of inspiration.
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    Despite being surrounded by hostile forces
    - in the form of state, police, capital -
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    that it is possible to have a
    space in which you can experiment
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    with different forms of existing.
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    With different forms of living.
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    With different forms of
    relating to one another.
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    We could speak about three distinct phases
    of squatting experiments in Ljubljana.
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    First one is early 90s.
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    This is the time of the
    destruction of Yugoslavia.
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    It’s a time of massive changes
    in Slovenian society.
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    This movement had a clear continuity with
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    alternative cultural movements of the 80s
    that was heavily influenced
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    by progressive currents such as
    feminism, LGBT movement,
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    anti-militarist tendencies,
    ecological movements.
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    This movement found its highest
    expression in the squatting
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    of Metelkova military barracks
    in 1993.
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    The second wave of squatting
    can be traced to the late 90s.
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    In around 98 and 99, several different
    initiatives and individuals
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    were squatting different
    spaces in the city of Ljubljana
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    and were all evicted from those squats.
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    And in the middle of this wave
    of repression over the movement,
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    the community of Metelkova decided
    to give one empty space
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    in the Autonomous Cultural Center
    to the anarchist infoshop.
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    The third wave of squatting
    in Ljubljana is symbolized
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    by the squatting of ROG Factory, which is
    maybe the biggest squat in Ljubljana.
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    It was squatted in 2006
    by a new precarious generation
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    of younger people that
    later came to be identified
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    as the generation without future.
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    It has always been understood by us
    that the front
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    between the two different squats
    is the same front.
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    Because if one of us is attacked,
    or evicted for instance,
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    that will mean a huge attack
    on the ability of the other
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    to actually be part of any kind
    of political process in the city.
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    The relationship of the state has been
    slightly different in its expression.
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    So for instance, when it comes to ROG
    they have had constant attempts
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    of the city to either evict them
    or attack them in different ways.
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    And just two years ago
    there was the most serious attempt
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    to tear down several
    buildings in that area.
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    That attempt was stopped
    by a broader political mobilization.
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    The nature of an urban occupation
    is that it is faced
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    with different kinds of factors that
    perhaps escape rural occupations.
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    Our squats are part of
    the neoliberal capitalist society
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    that is progressing further and further
    towards social devastation.
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    Every time we are faced with the
    processes that are destroying our cities,
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    we always have to question our position
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    and our changing position
    within those processes.
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    Metelkova and ROG both
    generate quite wide public support.
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    So this forced the public authorities
    to be cautious.
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    And even though there are several
    softer attempts to push Metelkova
  • 19:42 - 19:46
    into the state of legalization,
    we haven’t in the last decade
  • 19:46 - 19:49
    really been faced with
    an attempt of eviction.
  • 19:49 - 19:53
    That of course brings a different
    set of questions for all of us
  • 19:53 - 19:55
    who are part of Metelkova squat.
  • 19:55 - 19:59
    And that is, in such moments, where
    the city is actually trying to sell you
  • 19:59 - 20:03
    as one of its premium tourist destinations
    ... how do you maintain yourself
  • 20:03 - 20:06
    as a space that can still produce
    radical social movements
  • 20:06 - 20:08
    and interventions in the city?
  • 20:08 - 20:11
    That of course comes with
    every question of recuperation.
  • 20:11 - 20:15
    How do we still manage to
    keep our practices DIY?
  • 20:15 - 20:17
    How do we still manage to stay
    ungovernable,
  • 20:17 - 20:21
    which is basically the only way
    not to become a squatting museum,
  • 20:21 - 20:25
    or a sort of caricature
    of what a squat should be?
  • 20:27 - 20:32
    Many people and many activities
    that are cleaned from the city center
  • 20:32 - 20:37
    because of the demands of the tourist
    industry... we all end up in squats
  • 20:37 - 20:42
    with different trajectories
    and different positions that we occupy
  • 20:42 - 20:45
    in the current social-economic order.
  • 20:46 - 20:51
    This naturally leads to tensions.
    Some more serious than others.
  • 20:51 - 20:57
    And the consequence also can be seen in
    what recently happened to club Jalla Jalla
  • 20:57 - 20:59
    - it was destroyed in a fire.
  • 21:01 - 21:05
    As a community this was
    immediately recognized as an effect
  • 21:05 - 21:10
    of the general state in which
    the whole city is being pushed.
  • 21:10 - 21:15
    And our focus is not only
    to rebuild Jalla Jalla the club,
  • 21:15 - 21:22
    but also to rebuild and reclaim
    our collective capacity to resist
  • 21:22 - 21:27
    the processes of devastation
    that are everywhere destroying
  • 21:27 - 21:31
    the conditions of living
    for so many people in this town.
  • 21:42 - 21:46
    Establishing and effectively securing
    an autonomous space isn’t something
  • 21:46 - 21:48
    that happens overnight.
  • 21:48 - 21:53
    States cannot afford to let challenges
    to their legitimacy go unanswered,
  • 21:53 - 21:56
    lest they serve as examples
    for others to follow.
  • 21:56 - 22:01
    For this reason, any political attempt
    to reject state authority over a territory
  • 22:01 - 22:04
    is likely to provoke a serious reaction.
  • 22:05 - 22:08
    It is therefore crucially important
    that those involved
  • 22:08 - 22:11
    anticipate the state’s response,
    and are in a strong enough position
  • 22:11 - 22:13
    to weather the inevitable storm.
  • 22:13 - 22:17
    Autonomous territories allow
    for the building of dual power.
  • 22:17 - 22:20
    They are alternative focal
    points of legitimacy that can
  • 22:20 - 22:24
    effectively challenge the
    state’s monopoly on authority.
  • 22:24 - 22:29
    Indigenous Nations draw this legitimacy
    from spiritual and cultural practices
  • 22:29 - 22:34
    rooted in generations of deep connection
    to the lands claimed by their colonizers.
  • 22:35 - 22:39
    For those of us more alienated
    from the lands and spaces we occupy,
  • 22:39 - 22:43
    the process of asserting autonomy
    must begin with navigating the tensions
  • 22:43 - 22:46
    and contradictions that
    exist in dominant society,
  • 22:46 - 22:49
    cultivating strong bonds of solidarity,
  • 22:49 - 22:51
    and fuelling antagonism towards the state.
  • 22:55 - 22:58
    We’d rather not pass lessons to anyone.
  • 22:58 - 23:03
    If people get inspired from what they’ve
    done here, it will always be a pleasure
  • 23:03 - 23:07
    to share experiences and knowledge
    of those years spent here.
  • 23:08 - 23:12
    I think it has been proven several times
    that building the infrastructure
  • 23:12 - 23:15
    for the movement and of the movement
    really becomes crucial in moments
  • 23:15 - 23:20
    of high and demanding political
    mobilization in the society.
  • 23:20 - 23:24
    To have the kind of spaces
    that enable you to maintain
  • 23:24 - 23:25
    the historical memory of movements,
  • 23:25 - 23:29
    that enable us to find different
    kinds of accomplices
  • 23:29 - 23:33
    in our struggles for
    a different kind of world.
  • 23:35 - 23:39
    With the help of allies
    all around the world
  • 23:39 - 23:44
    ... we’ve garnered lots of support through
    Indigenous, non-Indigenous, professionals,
  • 23:44 - 23:45
    ... everyday citizens.
  • 23:46 - 23:51
    A lot of people do support what we’re
    doing and have vocalized it to us.
  • 23:51 - 23:53
    We have come here to be with you,
  • 23:53 - 23:55
    to make sure you understand
    you’re doing the right thing.
  • 23:56 - 23:59
    There’s always people who come here
    also who have connections,
  • 23:59 - 24:03
    or who have been to other
    places where people are struggling
  • 24:03 - 24:06
    and bring us information.
  • 24:06 - 24:10
    And so that creates solidarity
    between different struggles.
  • 24:10 - 24:14
    You need to ensure that
    the Indigenous people
  • 24:14 - 24:16
    who have always lived on those lands,
  • 24:16 - 24:20
    since millennia,
    are involved in that struggle.
  • 24:20 - 24:21
    They have long stories.
  • 24:21 - 24:26
    Ancient, ancient stories that talk about
    how and why they have responsibilities.
  • 24:29 - 24:32
    The mere fact that a squat
    exists as a potential
  • 24:32 - 24:37
    of development of autonomous ideas,
    of politically radical ideas,
  • 24:37 - 24:41
    is of course already a threat to the
    state, a threat to capital’s interests.
  • 24:41 - 24:43
    And therefore we will never be safe,
  • 24:43 - 24:46
    no matter how many
    selfies tourists make here.
  • 24:46 - 24:50
    If it is possible that in a city that
    is so increasingly gentrified,
  • 24:50 - 24:53
    so penetrated with
    different capitalist forces
  • 24:53 - 24:58
    – if it is able to have a space
    where experimentation with our freedom
  • 24:58 - 25:01
    is possible,
    then it kind of gives us hope
  • 25:01 - 25:04
    that other kinds of political
    projects are also possible.
  • 25:04 - 25:09
    And what we would really love to see
    is more of these kinds of inspirations
  • 25:09 - 25:12
    around the world, around different cities,
    around different communities.
  • 25:24 - 25:29
    As for our inspiration,
    we take as much inspiration as possible
  • 25:29 - 25:31
    from as many struggles as possible.
  • 25:31 - 25:36
    The Zapatistas movement, even though
    we’re far far from what they achieved.
  • 25:36 - 25:40
    The Landless Peasant Movement,
    especially in South America,
  • 25:40 - 25:43
    or Reclaim the Field network
    all over Europe.
  • 25:43 - 25:48
    Or occupied neighbourhoods,
    like in Exarchia in Greece.
  • 25:48 - 25:51
    Or people protecting seeds like in India.
  • 25:51 - 25:54
    Rojava is, of course, an insight
  • 25:54 - 25:56
    – especially regarding
    feminist self-defence.
  • 25:56 - 26:01
    Some of us are also really
    close to the Italian struggle
  • 26:01 - 26:04
    against the train line
    crossing the Val di Susa.
  • 26:04 - 26:09
    The most important thing is that we have
    to ask ourselves “what are our needs?”
  • 26:09 - 26:12
    And then find ways through
    which we can express them.
  • 26:16 - 26:18
    We’re absolutely going to win this fight.
  • 26:18 - 26:23
    Y’know, this is a fight that belongs
    to not only us, but all of our unborn.
  • 26:23 - 26:25
    This is a fight that belongs
    to all of our ancestors
  • 26:25 - 26:30
    who died fighting for these spaces,
    and protecting them.
  • 26:30 - 26:32
    So this is a fight that
    doesn’t belong to us.
  • 26:32 - 26:34
    We’re not selfish people.
  • 26:34 - 26:38
    This fight belongs to all of
    our Wet’suwet’en people
  • 26:38 - 26:39
    – past, present and future.
  • 26:43 - 26:47
    Some of us went to fight
    the world of the airport.
  • 26:47 - 26:51
    And the airport was a pretext
    to fight the system behind it.
  • 26:51 - 26:52
    I’d say for me, the ZAD,
  • 26:52 - 26:57
    it helps me burn the social
    and structural boundaries in my head
  • 26:57 - 27:01
    ... and then almost everything
    became possible.
  • 27:20 - 27:24
    We live in a historical moment
    in which the global neoliberal order,
  • 27:24 - 27:28
    wracked by overlapping social,
    economic and ecological crises,
  • 27:28 - 27:31
    is rapidly unraveling
    before our very eyes.
  • 27:33 - 27:35
    Yet far from being a
    cause for celebration,
  • 27:35 - 27:40
    the dark new reality rising to take
    its place promises to be even worse.
  • 27:40 - 27:44
    New and resurgent forms of
    state power are being constructed
  • 27:44 - 27:47
    on foundations of
    hyper-nationalist reaction,
  • 27:47 - 27:51
    armed with sophisticated new tools
    of surveillance and repression.
  • 27:52 - 27:55
    A proliferation of civil wars,
    surging levels of inequality
  • 27:55 - 27:59
    and climate change-fuelled catastrophes
    are provoking historical levels
  • 27:59 - 28:01
    of forced human migration.
  • 28:02 - 28:04
    But while things look undoubtedly bleak,
  • 28:04 - 28:08
    the rapid transformations
    currently underway have the potential
  • 28:08 - 28:11
    to uncover new cracks
    in the facade of state power.
  • 28:12 - 28:16
    Revolutionaries must be ready to take
    advantage of any and all opportunities
  • 28:16 - 28:19
    that these shifting
    new dynamics may produce,
  • 28:19 - 28:23
    establishing a decentralized
    network of autonomous zones
  • 28:23 - 28:27
    that can sustain projects of mutual aid,
    respond to emergent threats,
  • 28:27 - 28:30
    and coordinate solidarity across borders.
  • 28:30 - 28:31
    So at this point,
  • 28:31 - 28:34
    we’d like to remind you that Trouble
    is intended to be watched in groups,
  • 28:34 - 28:39
    and to be used as a resource to promote
    discussion and collective organizing.
  • 28:39 - 28:42
    Are you interested in offering
    sustained material support
  • 28:42 - 28:44
    for existing autonomous spaces,
  • 28:44 - 28:48
    or figuring out what steps would
    be involved in launching your own?
  • 28:48 - 28:50
    Consider getting together
    with some comrades,
  • 28:50 - 28:55
    organizing a screening of this film,
    and discussing where to get started.
  • 28:55 - 28:58
    Interested in running regular
    screenings of Trouble at your campus,
  • 28:58 - 29:02
    infoshop, community center,
    or even just at home with friends?
  • 29:02 - 29:03
    Become a Trouble-Maker!
  • 29:03 - 29:07
    For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
    with an advanced copy of the show,
  • 29:07 - 29:09
    and a screening kit featuring
    additional resources
  • 29:09 - 29:12
    and some questions you can
    use to get a discussion going.
  • 29:12 - 29:15
    If you can’t afford to support
    us financially, no worries!
  • 29:15 - 29:20
    You can stream and/or download
    all our content for free off our website:
  • 29:23 - 29:27
    If you’ve got any suggestions for show
    topics, or just want to get in touch,
  • 29:27 - 29:28
    drop us a line at:
  • 29:31 - 29:32
    This episode would not have been possible
  • 29:32 - 29:37
    without the generous support of
    Komunal, Group Groix and Michael.
  • 29:37 - 29:39
    Now get out there
    …. and make some trouble!
Title:
Trouble 14: Fighting Where We Stand
Video Language:
English
Duration:
29:52

English subtitles

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