-
Speaker:
Mr. President,
ladies and gentlemen,
-
history is more than the
path left by the past.
-
It influences the present
and can shape the future.
-
We meet today in
Westminster Hall,
-
a building begun 900 years ago
when the Vikings were visiting
-
the shores of what would
become the United States,
-
even if it was Columbus who
would subsequently demonstrate
-
the politician's art
of arriving late,
-
but claiming all the credit.
-
(laughter)
-
This hall has witnessed grim
trials in the sentencing to
-
death of a king, coronation
banquets, ceremonial addresses,
-
and the coffins of those
receiving the last respects of
-
our people.
-
Few places reach so far into
the heart of our nation.
-
Yet until today, no American
president has stood on these
-
steps to address our
country's Parliament.
-
It is my honor, Mr. President,
to welcome you as our friend and
-
as a statesman.
-
Statesmanship is the cement
which seals our shared idealism
-
as nations.
-
It makes meaningful the unity of
ambition, passion for freedom,
-
and abhorrence of injustice
that is the call of our
-
close alliance.
-
It has fallen to you to tackle
economic turbulence at home,
-
to protect the health
of those without wealth,
-
and to seek that precious
balance between security which
-
is too often threatened, and
human rights which are too
-
often denied.
-
History is not the burden of
any one man or woman alone.
-
But some are called to
meet a special share of
-
it's challenges.
-
It is a duty that you discharge
with a dignity, determination,
-
and distinction that
are widely admired.
-
Abraham Lincoln once observed
that nearly all men can
-
stand adversity.
-
But if you want to test a man's
character, give him power.
-
Ladies and gentlemen, the
President of the United States
-
of America, Barack Obama.
-
(applause)
-
President Obama:
Thank you very much.
-
(applause)
-
Thank you very much.
-
Thank you.
-
(applause)
-
Thank you.
-
(applause)
-
Thank you so much.
-
(applause)
-
My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker,
Mr. Prime Minister, my lords,
-
and members of the
House of Commons:
-
I have known few greater honors
than the opportunity to address
-
the Mother of Parliaments
at Westminster Hall.
-
I am told that the last three
speakers here have been the
-
Pope, Her Majesty the
Queen, and Nelson Mandela --
-
which is either a very high
bar or the beginning of a very
-
funny joke.
-
(laughter)
-
I come here today to
reaffirm one of the oldest,
-
one of the strongest alliances
the world has ever known.
-
It's long been said that the
United States and the United
-
Kingdom share a
special relationship.
-
And since we also share an
especially active press corps,
-
that relationship is often
analyzed and overanalyzed
-
for the slightest hint
of stress or strain.
-
Of course, all relationships
have their ups and downs.
-
Admittedly, ours got off on the
wrong foot with a small scrape
-
about tea and taxes.
-
(laughter)
-
There may also have been
some hurt feelings when the
-
White House was set on fire
during the War of 1812.
-
(laughter)
-
But fortunately, it's been
smooth sailing ever since.
-
The reason for this close
friendship doesn't just have
-
to do with our shared history,
our shared heritage;
-
our ties of language
and culture;
-
or even the strong partnership
between our governments.
-
Our relationship is special
because of the values and
-
beliefs that have united
our people through the ages.
-
Centuries ago, when
kings, emperors,
-
and warlords reigned
over much of the world,
-
it was the English who first
spelled out the rights and
-
liberties of man
in the Magna Carta.
-
It was here, in this very hall,
where the rule of law first
-
developed, courts
were established,
-
disputes were settled, and
citizens came to petition
-
their leaders.
-
Over time, the people of
this nation waged a long and
-
sometimes bloody struggle
to expand and secure their
-
freedom from the crown.
-
Propelled by the ideals
of the Enlightenment,
-
they would ultimately forge
an English Bill of Rights,
-
and invest the power to govern
in an elected parliament that's
-
gathered here today.
-
What began on this island would
inspire millions throughout the
-
continent of Europe
and across the world.
-
But perhaps no one drew greater
inspiration from these notions
-
of freedom than your
rabble-rousing colonists
-
on the other side
of the Atlantic.
-
As Winston Churchill
said, the "...Magna Carta,
-
the Bill of Rights, Habeas
Corpus, trial by jury,
-
and English common law find
their most famous expression in
-
the American Declaration
of Independence."
-
For both of our nations, living
up to the ideals enshrined in
-
these founding documents has
sometimes been difficult,
-
has always been a
work in progress.
-
The path has never been perfect.
-
But through the struggles
of slaves and immigrants,
-
women and ethnic minorities,
former colonies and persecuted
-
religions, we have learned
better than most that the
-
longing for freedom and human
dignity is not English or
-
American or Western
-- it is universal,
-
and it beats in every heart.
-
Perhaps that's why there are
few nations that stand firmer,
-
speak louder, and fight harder
to defend democratic values
-
around the world than the United
States and the United Kingdom.
-
We are the allies who
landed at Omaha and Gold,
-
who sacrificed side by side to
free a continent from the march
-
of tyranny, and help prosperity
flourish from the ruins of war.
-
And with the founding of
NATO -- a British idea --
-
we joined a transatlantic
alliance that has ensured our
-
security for over
half a century.
-
Together with our allies,
we forged a lasting peace
-
from a cold war.
-
When the Iron Curtain lifted, we
expanded our alliance to include
-
the nations of Central
and Eastern Europe,
-
and built new bridges to Russia
and the former states of the
-
Soviet Union.
-
And when there was
strife in the Balkans,
-
we worked together
to keep the peace.
-
Today, after a difficult decade
that began with war and ended in
-
recession, our nations have
arrived at a pivotal moment
-
once more.
-
A global economy that once stood
on the brink of depression is
-
now stable and recovering.
-
After years of conflict, the
United States has removed
-
100,000 troops from Iraq, the
United Kingdom has removed its
-
forces, and our combat
mission there has ended.
-
In Afghanistan, we've broken the
Taliban's momentum and will soon
-
begin a transition
to Afghan lead.
-
And nearly 10 years after 9/11,
we have disrupted terrorist
-
networks and dealt al Qaeda a
huge blow by killing its leader
-
-- Osama bin Laden.
-
Together, we have
met great challenges.
-
But as we enter this new
chapter in our shared history,
-
profound challenges
stretch out before us.
-
In a world where the prosperity
of all nations is now
-
inextricably linked, a new era
of cooperation is required to
-
ensure the growth and stability
of the global economy.
-
As new threats spread
across borders and oceans,
-
we must dismantle terrorist
networks and stop the spread
-
of nuclear weapons, confront
climate change and combat
-
famine and disease.
-
And as a revolution races
through the streets of the
-
Middle East and North Africa,
the entire world has a stake
-
in the aspirations of a
generation that longs to
-
determine its own destiny.
-
These challenges come at a time
when the international order has
-
already been reshaped
for a new century.
-
Countries like China, India,
and Brazil are growing by
-
leaps and bounds.
-
We should welcome
this development,
-
for it has lifted hundreds of
millions from poverty around
-
the globe, and created new
markets and opportunities
-
for our own nations.
-
And yet, as this rapid
change has taken place,
-
it's become fashionable in some
quarters to question whether the
-
rise of these nations will
accompany the decline of
-
American and European
influence around the world.
-
Perhaps, the argument goes,
these nations represent the
-
future, and the time for
our leadership has passed.
-
That argument is wrong.
-
The time for our
leadership is now.
-
It was the United States and
the United Kingdom and our
-
democratic allies that shaped a
world in which new nations could
-
emerge and individuals
could thrive.
-
And even as more nations take on
the responsibilities of global
-
leadership, our alliance will
remain indispensable to the goal
-
of a century that
is more peaceful,
-
more prosperous and more just.
-
At a time when threats and
challenges require nations
-
to work in concert
with one another,
-
we remain the greatest
catalysts for global action.
-
In an era defined by the
rapid flow of commerce and
-
information, it is our free
market tradition, our openness,
-
fortified by our commitment to
basic security for our citizens,
-
that offers the best chance
of prosperity that is both
-
strong and shared.
-
As millions are still denied
their basic human rights because
-
of who they are, or
what they believe,
-
or the kind of government
that they live under,
-
we are the nations most willing
to stand up for the values of
-
tolerance and self-determination
that lead to peace and dignity.
-
Now, this doesn't mean we
can afford to stand still.
-
The nature of our leadership will
need to change with the times.
-
As I said the first time I
came to London as President,
-
for the G20 summit, the days
are gone when Roosevelt and
-
Churchill could sit in a room
and solve the world's problems
-
over a glass of brandy --
although I'm sure that Prime
-
Minister Cameron would agree
that some days we could both
-
use a stiff drink.
-
(laughter)
-
In this century, our joint
leadership will require
-
building new partnerships,
adapting to new circumstances,
-
and remaking ourselves to meet
the demands of a new era.
-
That begins with our
economic leadership.
-
Adam Smith's central insight
remains true today: There is no
-
greater generator of wealth and
innovation than a system of free
-
enterprise that unleashes the
full potential of individual
-
men and women.
-
That's what led to the
Industrial Revolution that began
-
in the factories of Manchester.
-
That is what led to the dawn of
the Information Age that arose
-
from the office parks
of Silicon Valley.
-
That's why countries like China,
India and Brazil are growing so
-
rapidly -- because
in fits and starts,
-
they are moving toward
market-based principles that
-
the United States and the United
Kingdom have always embraced.
-
In other words, we live in a
global economy that is largely
-
of our own making.
-
And today, the competition for
the best jobs and industries
-
favors countries that
are free-thinking and
-
forward-looking; countries with
the most creative and innovative
-
and entrepreneurial citizens.
-
That gives nations like the
United States and the United
-
Kingdom an inherent advantage.
-
For from Newton and Darwin
to Edison and Einstein,
-
from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs,
we have led the world in our
-
commitment to science and
cutting-edge research,
-
the discovery of new
medicines and technologies.
-
We educate our citizens and
train our workers in the best
-
colleges and
universities on Earth.
-
But to maintain this advantage
in a world that's more
-
competitive than ever, we will
have to redouble our investments
-
in science and engineering, and
renew our national commitments
-
to educating our workforces.
-
We've also been reminded in the
last few years that markets can
-
sometimes fail.
-
In the last century, both our
nations put in place regulatory
-
frameworks to deal with such
market failures -- safeguards
-
to protect the banking system
after the Great Depression,
-
for example; regulations that
were established to prevent the
-
pollution of our air and
our water during the 1970s.
-
But in today's economy, such
threats of market failure can
-
no longer be contained within
the borders of any one country.
-
Market failures can go
global, and go viral,
-
and demand international responses.
-
A financial crisis that began
on Wall Street infected nearly
-
every continent, which is why we
must keep working through forums
-
like the G20 to put in place
global rules of the road to
-
prevent future
excesses and abuse.
-
No country can hide from the
dangers of carbon pollution,
-
which is why we must build on
what was achieved at Copenhagen
-
and Cancun to leave our
children a planet that
-
is safer and cleaner.
-
Moreover, even when the free
market works as it should,
-
both our countries recognize
that no matter how responsibly
-
we live in our lives,
hard times or bad luck,
-
a crippling illness or a layoff
may strike any one of us.
-
And so part of our common
tradition has expressed itself
-
in a conviction that every
citizen deserves a basic measure
-
of security -- health
care if you get sick,
-
unemployment insurance
if you lose your job,
-
a dignified retirement after
a lifetime of hard work.
-
That commitment to our citizens
has also been the reason for our
-
leadership in the world.
-
And now, having come through
a terrible recession,
-
our challenge is to meet these
obligations while ensuring that
-
we're not consuming -- and hence
consumed -- with a level of debt
-
that could sap the strength
and vitality of our economies.
-
And that will require difficult
choices and it will require
-
different paths for
both of our countries.
-
But we have faced such
challenges before,
-
and have always been able to
balance the need for fiscal
-
responsibility with the
responsibilities we have
-
to one another.
-
And I believe we
can do this again.
-
As we do, the successes and
failures of our own past can
-
serve as an example for emerging
economies -- that it's possible
-
to grow without polluting; that
lasting prosperity comes not
-
from what a nation consumes,
but from what it produces,
-
and from the investments
it makes in its people
-
and its infrastructure.
-
And just as we must lead on
behalf of the prosperity of
-
our citizens, so we must
safeguard their security.
-
Our two nations know what it is
to confront evil in the world.
-
Hitler's armies would not have
stopped their killing had we not
-
fought them on the beaches
and on the landing grounds,
-
in the fields and
on the streets.
-
We must never forget that there
was nothing inevitable about our
-
victory in that terrible war.
-
It was won through the courage
and character of our people.
-
Precisely because we are
willing to bear its burden,
-
we know well the cost of war.
-
And that is why we built an
alliance that was strong enough
-
to defend this continent
while deterring our enemies.
-
At its core, NATO is rooted in
the simple concept of Article
-
Five: that no NATO nation
will have to fend on its own;
-
that allies will stand
by one another, always.
-
And for six decades, NATO
has been the most successful
-
alliance in human history.
-
Today, we confront
a different enemy.
-
Terrorists have taken the lives
of our citizens in New York and
-
in London.
-
And while al Qaeda seeks a
religious war with the West,
-
we must remember that they have
killed thousands of Muslims --
-
men, women and children
-- around the globe.
-
Our nations are not and will
never be at war with Islam.
-
Our fight is focused on
defeating al Qaeda and
-
its extremist allies.
-
In that effort, we
will not relent,
-
as Osama bin Laden and his
followers have learned.
-
And as we fight an enemy
that respects no law of war,
-
we will continue to hold
ourselves to a higher standard
-
-- by living up to the values,
the rule of law and due process
-
that we so ardently defend.
-
For almost a decade, Afghanistan
has been a central front of
-
these efforts.
-
Throughout those years,
you, the British people,
-
have been a stalwart ally, along
with so many others who fight by
-
our side.
-
Together, let us pay tribute to
all of our men and women who
-
have served and sacrificed over
the last several years -- for
-
they are part of an unbroken
line of heroes who have borne
-
the heaviest burden for the
freedoms that we enjoy.
-
Because of them, we have
broken the Taliban's momentum.
-
Because of them, we have
built the capacity of
-
Afghan security forces.
-
And because of them, we are now
preparing to turn a corner in
-
Afghanistan by transitioning
to Afghan lead.
-
And during this transition, we
will pursue a lasting peace with
-
those who break free of al
Qaeda and respect the Afghan
-
constitution and lay down arms.
-
And we will ensure that
Afghanistan is never a safe
-
haven for terror, but is instead
a country that is strong,
-
sovereign, and able to
stand on its own two feet.
-
Indeed, our efforts in this
young century have led us to
-
a new concept for NATO that will
give us the capabilities needed
-
to meet new threats -- threats
like terrorism and piracy,
-
cyber attacks and
ballistic missiles.
-
But a revitalized NATO will
continue to hew to that original
-
vision of its founders, allowing
us to rally collective action
-
for the defense of our people,
while building upon the broader
-
belief of Roosevelt and
Churchill that all nations
-
have both rights and
responsibilities,
-
and all nations share a common
interest in an international
-
architecture that
maintains the peace.
-
We also share a common interest
in stopping the spread of
-
nuclear weapons.
-
Across the globe, nations are
locking down nuclear materials
-
so they never fall into
the wrong hands -- because
-
of our leadership.
-
From North Korea to Iran, we've
sent a message that those who
-
flaunt their obligations will
face consequences -- which is
-
why America and the European
Union just recently strengthened
-
our sanctions on Iran, in large
part because of the leadership
-
of the United Kingdom
and the United States.
-
And while we hold
others to account,
-
we will meet our own obligations
under the Non-Proliferation
-
Treaty, and strive for a world
without nuclear weapons.
-
We share a common interest in
resolving conflicts that prolong
-
human suffering and threaten
to tear whole regions asunder.
-
In Sudan, after years of
war and thousands of deaths,
-
we call on both North and South
to pull back from the brink of
-
violence and choose
the path of peace.
-
And in the Middle East, we stand
united in our support for a
-
secure Israel and a
sovereign Palestine.
-
And we share a common interest
in development that advances
-
dignity and security.
-
To succeed, we must cast
aside the impulse to look
-
at impoverished parts of the
globe as a place for charity.
-
Instead, we should empower the
same forces that have allowed
-
our own people to thrive: We
should help the hungry to feed
-
themselves, the doctors
who care for the sick.
-
We should support countries
that confront corruption,
-
and allow their
people to innovate.
-
And we should advance the truth
that nations prosper when they
-
allow women and girls to
reach their full potential.
-
We do these things because we
believe not simply in the rights
-
of nations; we believe in
the rights of citizens.
-
That is the beacon that guided
us through our fight against
-
fascism and our twilight
struggle against communism.
-
And today, that idea is being
put to the test in the Middle
-
East and North Africa.
-
In country after country,
people are mobilizing to
-
free themselves from the
grip of an iron fist.
-
And while these movements for
change are just six months old,
-
we have seen them play out
before -- from Eastern Europe
-
to the Americas, from South
Africa to Southeast Asia.
-
History tells us that
democracy is not easy.
-
It will be years before these
revolutions reach their
-
conclusion, and there will be
difficult days along the way.
-
Power rarely gives up without a
fight -- particularly in places
-
where there are divisions of
tribe and divisions of sect.
-
We also know that populism can
take dangerous turns -- from the
-
extremism of those who would
use democracy to deny minority
-
rights, to the nationalism that
left so many scars on this
-
continent in the 20th century.
-
But make no mistake:
What we saw,
-
what we are seeing in Tehran,
in Tunis, in Tahrir Square,
-
is a longing for the same
freedoms that we take for
-
granted here at home.
-
It was a rejection of the notion
that people in certain parts of
-
the world don't want to be
free, or need to have democracy
-
imposed upon them.
-
It was a rebuke to the
worldview of al Qaeda,
-
which smothers the
rights of individuals,
-
and would thereby subject
them to perpetual poverty
-
and violence.
-
Let there be no doubt: The
United States and United Kingdom
-
stand squarely on the side of
those who long to be free.
-
And now, we must show that
we will back up those words
-
with deeds.
-
That means investing in the
future of those nations that
-
transition to democracy,
starting with Tunisia and Egypt
-
-- by deepening ties
of trade and commerce;
-
by helping them demonstrate
that freedom brings prosperity.
-
And that means standing
up for universal rights
-
-- by sanctioning those
who pursue repression,
-
strengthening civil
society, supporting
-
the rights of minorities.
-
We do this knowing that the West
must overcome suspicion and
-
mistrust among many in the
Middle East and North Africa
-
-- a mistrust that is
rooted in a difficult past.
-
For years, we've faced charges
of hypocrisy from those who do
-
not enjoy the freedoms
that they hear us espouse.
-
And so to them, we must
squarely acknowledge that, yes,
-
we have enduring interests in
the region -- to fight terror,
-
sometimes with partners
who may not be perfect;
-
to protect against disruptions
of the world's energy supply.
-
But we must also insist that
we reject as false the choice
-
between our interests
and our ideals;
-
between stability and democracy.
-
For our idealism is rooted in
the realities of history -- that
-
repression offers only the
false promise of stability,
-
that societies are more
successful when their citizens
-
are free, and that democracies
are the closest allies we have.
-
It is that truth that
guides our action in Libya.
-
It would have been easy at the
outset of the crackdown in Libya
-
to say that none of this was
our business -- that a nation's
-
sovereignty is more important
than the slaughter of civilians
-
within its borders.
-
That argument carries
weight with some.
-
But we are different.
-
We embrace a broader responsibility.
-
And while we cannot
stop every injustice,
-
there are circumstances that cut
through our caution -- when a
-
leader is threatening
to massacre his people,
-
and the international community
is calling for action.
-
That's why we stopped
a massacre in Libya.
-
And we will not relent until the
people of Libya are protected
-
and the shadow of
tyranny is lifted.
-
We will proceed with humility,
and the knowledge that we cannot
-
dictate every outcome abroad.
-
Ultimately, freedom must be
won by the people themselves,
-
not imposed from without.
-
But we can and must stand
with those who so struggle.
-
Because we have always believed
that the future of our children
-
and grandchildren will be better
if other people's children and
-
grandchildren are more
prosperous and more free
-
-- from the beaches of Normandy
to the Balkans to Benghazi.
-
That is our interests
and our ideals.
-
And if we fail to meet
that responsibility,
-
who would take our place,
and what kind of world would
-
we pass on?
-
Our action -- our leadership
-- is essential to the cause
-
of human dignity.
-
And so we must
act -- and lead --
-
with confidence in our ideals,
and an abiding faith in the
-
character of our people,
who sent us all here today.
-
For there is one final quality
that I believe makes the United
-
States and the United
Kingdom indispensable
-
to this moment in history.
-
And that is how we define
ourselves as nations.
-
Unlike most countries
in the world,
-
we do not define citizenship
based on race or ethnicity.
-
Being American or British is not
about belonging to a certain
-
group; it's about believing
in a certain set of ideals --
-
the rights of individuals,
the rule of law.
-
That is why we hold incredible
diversity within our borders.
-
That's why there are people
around the world right now
-
who believe that if
they come to America,
-
if they come to New York,
if they come to London,
-
if they work hard, they can
pledge allegiance to our flag
-
and call themselves Americans;
if they come to England,
-
they can make a new life for
themselves and can sing God
-
Save The Queen just
like any other citizen.
-
Yes, our diversity
can lead to tension.
-
And throughout our history there
have been heated debates about
-
immigration and assimilation
in both of our countries.
-
But even as these
debates can be difficult,
-
we fundamentally recognize that
our patchwork heritage is an
-
enormous strength -- that in
a world which will only grow
-
smaller and more interconnected,
the example of our two nations
-
says it is possible for people
to be united by their ideals,
-
instead of divided
by their differences;
-
that it's possible for hearts to
change and old hatreds to pass;
-
that it's possible for the sons
and daughters of former colonies
-
to sit here as members
of this great Parliament,
-
and for the grandson of a Kenyan
who served as a cook in the
-
British Army to stand
before you as President
-
of the United States.
-
(applause)
-
That is what defines us.
-
That is why the young men and
women in the streets of Damascus
-
and Cairo still reach for the
rights our citizens enjoy,
-
even if they sometimes
differ with our policies.
-
As two of the most powerful
nations in the history of the
-
world, we must always remember
that the true source of our
-
influence hasn't just been
the size of our economies,
-
or the reach of our militaries,
or the land that we've claimed.
-
It has been the values that we
must never waver in defending
-
around the world -- the idea
that all beings are endowed
-
by our Creator with certain
rights that cannot be denied.
-
That is what forged our bond
in the fire of war -- a bond
-
made manifest by the
friendship between two
-
of our greatest leaders.
-
Churchill and Roosevelt
had their differences.
-
They were keen observers of
each other's blind spots and
-
shortcomings, if not
always their own,
-
and they were hard-headed
about their ability to
-
remake the world.
-
But what joined the fates of
these two men at that particular
-
moment in history was not simply
a shared interest in victory on
-
the battlefield.
-
It was a shared belief in the
ultimate triumph of human
-
freedom and human dignity -- a
conviction that we have a say
-
in how this story ends.
-
This conviction lives on
in their people today.
-
The challenges we
face are great.
-
The work before us is hard.
-
But we have come through
a difficult decade,
-
and whenever the tests and
trials ahead may seem too big
-
or too many, let us
turn to their example,
-
and the words that Churchill
spoke on the day that Europe was
-
freed: "In the
long years to come,
-
not only will the people of this
island but...the world, wherever
-
the bird of freedom
chirps in the human heart,
-
look back to what we've done,
and they will say 'do not
-
despair, do not yield...
march straightforward.'"
-
With courage and purpose,
with humility and with hope,
-
with faith in the
promise of tomorrow,
-
let us march
straightforward together,
-
enduring allies in the cause of
a world that is more peaceful,
-
more prosperous, and more just.
-
Thank you very much.
-
(applause)
-
Speaker:
Mr. President, I think that
response describes far more
-
eloquently than any words of
mine could do how much that very
-
memorable and inspiring address
was appreciated by everybody who
-
heard it here today.
-
You spoke --
-
(applause)
-
You spoke with great warmth
and great generosity about the
-
British Parliament and the
British people and about the
-
links that bind us, the
values and the traditions
-
that we share.
-
The history that we have
experienced together.
-
But more than that, you
spoke too not just of the
-
relationships of the past, but
the relationships of the future.
-
And I think that was what made
what you said so inspirational.
-
It was a distinguished American
governor of New York who
-
remarked on the propensity of
politicians to campaign in
-
poetry, but to govern in prose.
-
The world you described to us
today was not just one that is
-
prosaic; it was one where the
challenges are difficult and
-
sometimes dangerous.
-
One that is fast
moving, that is complex,
-
sometimes contradictory.
-
And that offers at least as
many threats as opportunities.
-
But in the eloquence
of your address,
-
you reminded us of the
importance of maintaining the
-
poetry in government.
-
Because to lead, that
poetry is necessary.
-
Necessary not only to
articulate the challenges,
-
as you did so masterfully.
-
But also to bring others
together to face those
-
challenges with common
principles and with
-
shared purpose.
-
Mr. President, it has been a
privilege for all of us to hear
-
you speak today.
-
It is a privilege for me to have
the responsibility of thanking
-
you on behalf of both
Houses of Parliament,
-
for coming to Westminster, and
to wish you and Mrs. Obama a
-
very happy and pleasant
rest of your stay in the
-
United Kingdom.
-
Thank you so much.
-
(applause)