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Over the decades, my colleagues and I
have exposed terrible misdeeds and crimes
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by large corporations
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which have taken many lives
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and caused injuries and diseases,
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on top of damaging economic costs
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affecting many innocents.
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But exposure was not enough.
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We had to secure Congressional mandates
to prevent such devastation.
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As a result, many lives were saved
and many traumas prevented,
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especially in the areas of automobile,
pharmaceutical, environmental,
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and workplace health and safety.
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Along the way, we kept getting
one question again and again:
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"Ralph, how do you do all this?
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Your group is so small,
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your funds are modest,
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and you don't make campaign
contributions to politicians."
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My response points to an overlooked,
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amazing pattern of American history.
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Just about every advance in justice,
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every blessing of democracy,
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came from the efforts of small numbers
of individual citizens.
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They knew what they were talking about.
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They expanded public opinion,
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or what Abraham Lincoln called
"the all-important public sentiment."
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The few citizens who started
these movements
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enlisted larger numbers along the way
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to achieving these reforms
and redirections.
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However, even at their peak,
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the actively engaged people
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never exceeded one percent
of the citizenry, often far less.
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These builders of democracy and justice
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came out of the anti-slavery drives,
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the pressures for women's right to vote.
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They rose from farmers and workers
in industrial sectors
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demanding regulation of banks,
railroads and manufacturers
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and fair labor standards.
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In the 20th century,
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improvements of life
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came with tiny third parties
and their allies
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pushing the major parties
in the electoral arena
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to adopt such measures,
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such as the right to form labor unions,
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the 40-hour week,
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progressive taxation, the minimum wage,
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unemployment compensation
and social security.
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More recently came Medicare
and civil rights, civil liberties,
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nuclear arms treaties,
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consumer and environmental triumphs,
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all sparked by citizen advocates
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and small third parties
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who never won a national election.
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If you're willing to lose persistently,
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your causes can become winners in time.
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(Laughter)
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The story of how I came
to these civic activities
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may be instructive
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for people who go along
with Senator Daniel Webster's belief,
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"Justice served
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is the great interest of man on Earth."
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I grew up in a small,
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highly industrialized town in Connecticut
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with three siblings and parents
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who owned a popular restaurant
bakery and delicatessen.
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Two waterways,
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the Mad River and the Still River,
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crossed alongside our main street.
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As a child, I asked,
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"Why couldn't we wade and fish in them
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like the rivers we read about
in our schoolbooks?"
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The answer: the factories
freely use these rivers
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to dump harmful toxic chemicals
and other pollutants.
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In fact, the companies
took control of rivers
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that belong to all of us
for their own profitable pursuits.
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Later, I realized the rivers
were not part of our normal lives at all,
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except when they flooded our streets.
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There were no water pollution regulations
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to speak of then.
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I realized only strong laws
could clean up our waterways.
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My youthful observation
of our town's two river's sewers
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started a straight line
to my eighth grade graduation speech
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about the great conservationist
national park advocate John Muir,
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then to my studies at Princeton
on the origins of public sanitation,
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and then to Rachel Carson's
"Silent Spring."
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These engagements prepared me
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for seizing the golden hour
of environmental lawmaking
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in the early 1970s.
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I played a leading citizen role
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in lobbying through Congress
the Clean Air Act,
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the clean water laws, EPA,
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workplace safety standards, OSHA,
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and the Safe Drinking Water Act.
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If there's less lead in your body,
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no more asbestos in your lungs,
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and cleaner air and water,
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it's because of those laws over the years.
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Today, enforcement
of these life-saving laws
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under Trump is being dismantled wholesale.
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Rolling back these perils
is the immediate challenge
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to a resurgent environmental movement,
for the young generation.
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As for consumer advocates,
there are no permanent victories.
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Passing a law is only the first step.
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The next step, and the next step,
is defending the law.
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For me, some of these battles
were highly personal.
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I lost friends in high school
and college to highway collisions,
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the first leading cause of death
in that age group.
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Then the blame was put on the driver,
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derisively called
"the nut behind the wheel."
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True, drunk drivers had responsibility,
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but safer-designed vehicles and highways
could prevent crashes
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and diminish their severity
when they occurred.
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There were no seatbelts,
padded dash panels,
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no airbags or other
crash-worthy protections
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to diminish the severity of collisions.
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The brakes, tires and handling stability
of US vehicles left much to be desired
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even in comparison
with foreign manufacturers.
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I liked to hitchhike,
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including back and forth
from Princeton and Harvard Law School.
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Sometimes, a driver and I came upon
ghastly crash scenes.
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The horrors made a deep impression on me.
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They sparked my writing
a paper at law school
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on unsafe automotive design and the need
for motor vehicle safety laws.
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One of my closest friends at law school,
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Fred Condon, was driving home
one day from work
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to his young family in New Hampshire,
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and momentarily drowsed
behind the wheel of his station wagon.
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The vehicle went to the shoulder
of the road and tipped over.
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There were no seatbelts in 1961.
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Fred became a paraplegic.
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Such preventable violence
created fire in my belly.
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The automobile industry
was cruelly refusing to install
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long-known lifesaving safety features
and pollution controls.
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Instead, the industry focused
on advertising the annual style changes
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and excessive horsepower.
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I was outraged.
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The more I investigated the suppression
of auto safety devices,
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publicized evidence from court cases
about the auto companies
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negligently harming vehicle occupants,
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especially the instability
of a GM vehicle called the "Corvair,"
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the more General Motors was keen
on discrediting my writings and testimony.
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They hired private detectives
to follow me in order to get dirt.
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After the publication of my book,
"Unsafe at Any Speed,"
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GM wanted to undermine
my forthcoming testimony
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before a Senate subcommittee in 1966.
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The Capitol police caught them.
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The media was all over
the struggle in Congress
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between me and giant General Motors.
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With remarkable speed, compared to today,