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Greetings Troublemakers. Welcome to Trouble....
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my name is not important.
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This year marks the 50th anniversary
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of the tumultuous events of 1968,
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when an unprecedented wave of revolt
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broke out in multiple countries around the world,
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sending a collective shiver
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down the spines of the ruling class.
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This was arguably the closest
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that humanity has ever come to a global revolution,
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and the reverberations of this shock
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lasted well into the next decade,
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as capitalists scrambled
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to restructure the international economy
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and states passed a series of reforms
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aimed at desperately reasserting their legitimacy.
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While there were many different local factors
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and a wide cross-section of participants to the riots of '68,
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a recurring theme was the leading role
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played by a generation of insurgent youth,
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fed up with the alienation and misery
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of everyday life under capitalism.
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Some of the most iconic scenes of '68 played out in Paris,
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where tens of thousands of university
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and high-school students took to the streets,
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erected barricades
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and fought pitched street battles with the cops.
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Inspired by the bravery
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and uncompromising militancy of these youth,
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millions of workers joined the fray,
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launching the biggest wildcat strike in history,
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and nearly toppling the French state in the process.
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Students also played a key role
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in kicking-off protests that year in
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Italy, Spain, West Germany,
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Sweden, Poland, Yugoslavia, Mexico,
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Brazil, Colombia, Argentina,
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Jamaica, and the United States.
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Five years later,
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students at the Athens Polytechnic played a decisive role
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in toppling the fascist military junta in Greece.
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Sadly, the revolutionary upsurge of the 60's and 70's
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was ultimately put down,
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and is now confined to the annals of history.
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But student unrest has persisted,
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and today it continues to play a key role
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in fomenting political crises
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and articulating broader critiques
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of capitalism and the state.
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Over the next thirty minutes,
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we'll explore contemporary student struggles
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from so-called Puerto Rico, Montreal and Chile,
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and speak with current and former student organizers
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as they share their experiences
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of launching strikes, occupying buildings,
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taking to the streets
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and making a whole lot of trouble.
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Considering that the economic crisis
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is not only seen in Puerto Rico, but globally,
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universities as a whole
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in almost all parts of the world are being affected.
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The case of Puerto Rico
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can be seen as more problematic
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considering that this country is a colony of the USA.
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The economic disaster,
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both in the empire and in the colony
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is exacerbated more in terms
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of general education.
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And mainly in the aspect of higher education,
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which has led to seeing the future as
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something very tragic.
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Each year there are less students.
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And obviously that’s because of the crisis.
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Every year more people leave the country
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- especially young people.
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More youth join the army.
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They go study at institutes.
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They go study in the US.
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Historically, the University of Puerto Rico,
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which is the public university of the country,
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is and continues to be,
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generally speaking,
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a bastion of critical thought.
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To be able to talk about the 2010 strike
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- or, specifically about how the strike began in 2010 -
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we have to go back and talk about the 2005 strike.
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In 2005, a new increase in tuition was taking place.
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We're talking about a 33% tuition increase.
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The strike was sparked because of that.
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It was sparked so that education could stay accessible.
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It was also the strike in which the campus was occupied
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and shut down.
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The organizing was typical
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of traditional leftist socialist political organizations
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- very centralized -
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which created resentments and tensions.
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We cannot call it a failure,
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although the tuition freeze was not won.
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Yes, the tuition hike was carried out...
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the strike ended in a very chaotic way
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But it led many to an awareness of what we want.
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At the beginning of 2009
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we started to re-organize the university.
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We began to realize that we had to break down
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these traditional centralized and hierarchical structures.
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We began to decentralize.
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We began to form affinity groups
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- they were called action committees.
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From there came the idea of creating a university union.
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Action committees were organized by faculty,
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in the case of the Rio Piedras campus.
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And they allowed us to have a strike committee
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overnight, without even having a strike.
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Then we started to push the assembly to strike.
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And in the assembly, it was already organic.
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We were no longer going with the purpose
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of convincing people.
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We were going to vote for the strike.
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And so the strike started.
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And the strike was like a snowball.
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As the snowball kept rolling, it kept growing.
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And from there 11 campuses were occupied.
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To be able to carry out the strike and be successful,
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we had to sacrifice our studies.
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So the occupation of the campuses,
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of each of the faculties, was that.
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To create the impossibility for normality.
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We're on strike... therefore there are no classes.
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Making a fortress of the Rio Piedras campus
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- as did our comrades did in the other campuses -
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was done to avoid a confrontation with the cops
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That would have kicked us out,
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and then the strike would have ended.
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That still happened.
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But inside, there was an atmosphere of freedom.
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An atmosphere of coexistence
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and social transformation.
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That's where that idea comes in.
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We learned to make barricades.
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We learned to confront the police like never before.
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"Out! Out! Cops get out!"
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We learned to think strategically.
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We learned to attract the people, the public.
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Not only was the campus taken,
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the streets were taken too.
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I think that 2010 and 2011 transformed people.
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It allowed the strike of 2017
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to be a different strike.
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There was a consciousness,
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and the genie was out of the bottle.
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<
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on the so-called ‘PROMESA’ bill,
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which would establish a means for Puerto Rico
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to restructure its 72 billion dollars in debt
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but would also impose a Financial Control Board
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- or what I and other people call it -
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a colonial control board
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over the commonwealth of Puerto Rico.>>
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The Fiscal Control Board
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overrules the government of Puerto Rico
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and decides the austerity measures to be imposed
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on the people.
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And one of the first things it did
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was propose cuts to the University of Puerto Rico.
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The cuts - first they were $300 million
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now they are $450 million.
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One of the things that was discussed in the fiscal plan
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was a tuition increase.
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In 2016, when us students found this out,
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we began to organize.
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And we went on strike
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in 2010-11 committees were organized by faculty.
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In 2017, we did the same thing.
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But new committees were created,
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such as the athlete's committee,
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the seed-garden committee,
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and other committees and working groups,
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such as the gender working group.
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The strike was also connected to the crisis
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that the country was going through.
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it was tied to the fight against the Fiscal Control Board,
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to the struggle for independence.
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The majority of our protests
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were outside the university.
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The fact that we were on strike
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helped a lot with organizing May Day,
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and the tactics that were used.
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Black bloc tactics were used,
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and striking students were able to
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organize that black bloc.
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They were able to make contacts with other people
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who were not students,
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but who could participate in the strike, because
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even though it was a student strike
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it was open to the people.
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On May 22nd 2012,
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over 200,000 people took to the streets of Montreal,
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in the largest act of civil disobedience
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to ever occur in the territories ruled
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by the Canadian state.
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This demonstration was part of the so-called Maple Spring,
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a massive general strike involving over 300,000 students
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of Quebec's universities and CEGEP's,
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or Collèges d'enseignement général et professionnel,
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a province-wide network
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of publicly-funded vocational colleges.
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Like many other demos that occurred
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in the weeks and months that followed,
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the May 22 manif was illegal.
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Those marching that day were doing so
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in open defiance of the so-called Special Law,
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Bill 78, a repressive piece of legislation
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that had recently been passed by the Liberal government,
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and which had sought to criminalize all demonstrations
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whose routes were not submitted to the police in advance.
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Quebec has a long and storied history of student radicalism,
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and the province has seen no less than ten
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student-led general strikes in the past fifty years.
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But the 2012 strike lasted nearly eight months,
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making it by far the longest,
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and largest such strike in Quebec history.
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The social upheaval provoked by this movement
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ended up toppling the provincial government of Jean Charest,
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and rolling back the proposed tuition increase
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that it had originally been launched to oppose.
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And yet... the fact that the end of the strike
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still felt like a crushing defeat,
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despite ostensibly achieving its goals,
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is a testament to the conviction
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it had inspired in its participants
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that an entirely new world was within their grasp.
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In Quebec specifically,
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the student movement is a big political force
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and it has a continuity through history
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of social and political organizing.
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The francophone student movement in Quebec
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goes back to the 60's,
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where in Quebec we had this movement
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called “the Quiet Revolution”.
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Because most of the universities were controlled
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either by the Church,
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or by the anglophones.
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So only really rich francophones could go
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to universities and colleges.
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The CEGEPs were founded by actual occupations of colleges
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demanding for accessible schooling.
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And it led to a huge wave of francophones and poor people
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getting access to so-called higher education.
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One of the interesting aspects
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about the Quebec student movement
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is that there's a certain level of institutionalization
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of student unions.
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Students are able to follow through
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from struggle to struggle.
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So for example in 2005,
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where students might have been involved
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at the CGEP level, at the college level
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– in 2012 they would have been at the university level
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and they could have been involved
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in transferring their experience
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and their knowledge to younger generations of activists.
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It has had a lot of impact on the youth in general,
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and the way school is held in Quebec.
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ASSE is a federation of local student unions
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that was created in 2001 to fight off the influence
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of the two other main student union federations,
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that were more on the political lobbying scene.
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ASSE has always seen the government as an enemy
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that needs to be combated.
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We don't wanna negotiate with these people.
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We wanna force them to act.
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What ASSE is about is really grouping together
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local student unions and providing spaces
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in which these local student unions
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are able to interact with each other, exchange information
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— and most importantly, take collective action.
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So how it works is that
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you've got many different colleges and universities
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that are members of the ASSE, and in between
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– like in colleges and universities specifically –
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the unions are separated by faculties.
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If a student union wants to become a member of ASSE,
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it has to organize on the principle of direct democracy.
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There is no talk of doing lobby work with politicians,
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for example,
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there's no talk of even doing a demo
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without it being voted in a GA.
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I don't think striking would have been possible
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without this kind of organization.
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A general assembly, or a GA,
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is just the practice of getting together as a group
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to discuss matters at hand that concern you.
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Everybody can come in and can vote
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and propose whatever they want.
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There has to be some procedures,
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but the idea is to have the structure as open as possible
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for everybody to be able to speak
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on different subjects and matters
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and propose what they want.
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It's so important that students have this space
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to meet and organize together.
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Having a general assembly go on strike
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means that the whole faculty goes on strike.
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The whole collective is bound to that decision.
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And that meant we could block the whole campus.
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I was one of the people you could say
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was politically born in 2012.
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As was the case for thousands of people in Quebec.
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What happened then was magical.
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It was a social upheaval like you don't see very often,
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and it schooled us to street politics,
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to radical democracy,
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to what can really be obtained
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by making strong bonds and fighting together.
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The 2012 strike was a result of, I would say,
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at least three years of grassroots organizing.
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We knew in 2009
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that the government was planning to raise up tuition fees.
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So we had time to prepare.
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Our goal was to go step-by-step,
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and then to have increasingly radical actions.
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And eventually,
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when the government decided to raise the tuition,
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we were able to tell the people
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“we've done everything.”
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Y'know, we've done petitions. We've sent letters.
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We called everybody.
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We did all these things that we knew wouldn't work.
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And now the only thing we have left to do
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is to go on a general strike.
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So there's this whole build up
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that was really important to the success of that strike.
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What the student strike does,
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by massively shutting down campuses
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in universities and colleges
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is it frees up students to
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not only organize within the struggle,
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but also think about the issues that are outside.
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And at the beginning, people were saying
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“oh, y'know... these people are striking against tuition fees.
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It's a very student-centric struggle.
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They only want to protect themselves.”
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But eventually they saw that what we wanted
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was more radical than just striking against tuition hikes.
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We were for a really different society.
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And the strike was only a representation of that.
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The context of 2012 really opened space,
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opened cracks within people's daily lives
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to consider other methods of struggle,
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other methods of organizing.
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The 2012 strike was about student debt,
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which is incredibly high for everybody.
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But then it also gave us a chance
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to touch on debt in general.
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Why is everybody so in debt?
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Why is everybody so poor,
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when they're working all their lives away?
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During the summer of 2012
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we saw the emergence of assemblies,
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of, like, neighbourhood assemblies,
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which were called APAQs
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– Assemblées Populaire Autonome de Quartier.
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So basically autonomous neighbourhood assemblies.
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I think it was a gateway for
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a lot of more in-depth thinking
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about the current situation,
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which everybody shares.
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Everybody can realize, y'know, we're being fucked over.
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And eventually,
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after maybe five months of all the universities
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and the colleges being paralyzed,
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the government decided to pass a special law
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banning public demonstrations.
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And that was the straw that broke the camel's back.
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People started banging pots on their balconies one night,
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and then the night afterwards,
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everybody was in the streets banging pots
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against the general law.
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So Jean Charest is sending Quebeckers to the polls.
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We really faced a wall when the government decided
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that they couldn't go on,
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and decided to call an election.
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It was taken back from us by sold-out politicians
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that gained capital on our struggle.
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A lot of people just thought... we had won.
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Because everybody was gonna vote on something,
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and elections would solve everything.
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We have to beware of elections as a way to solve struggles.
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Because it didn't solve anything.
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Following 2012 there was three years
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of very brutal repression in the streets,
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specifically targeting student organization,
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in the hopes of breaking down the student movement.
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And so in 2015,
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there was an independent group that formed
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within the walls of UQAM
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– Université du Québec à Montréal –
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to start organizing again and fight back.
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It was an anarchist strike,
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in the sense that it was a refusal to let the institutions
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and the corporations instrumentalize us
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and put words in our mouth.
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So 2015 was really about the heritage of 2012.
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But it was also a message to the ones coming up
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that it was still possible.
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We still have the structures to get up and fight together.
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Without a doubt
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the most sustained student movement
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in the so-called Americas
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can be found in the territories ruled by the Chilean state.
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Since the 2006 protests
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popularly known as the Penguin's Revolution,
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through the Chilean Winter of 2011-2013,
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and continuing to today,
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the Chilean student movement
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has represented a consistent pole of radical activity
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in the southern Andean country,
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drawing in hundreds of thousands of participants
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and helping to topple multiple governments,
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seemingly without breaking stride.
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While its roots lie
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in the militant youth wings
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of the socialist and communist parties
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that once formed an important pillar of support
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for former president Salvador Allende,
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student radicalism was effectively suppressed in Chile
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during the long years of the Pinochet dictatorship.
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Today's student movement is still struggling
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against the economic legacies of this period,
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in which the regime embraced neoliberal shock doctrines
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that led to one of the most heavily privatized
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education systems in the world.
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While the demands of today's reconstituted student movement
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began with relatively humble requests,
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such as free bus passes
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and the waiving of onerous fees
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for university admission tests,
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they have since evolved into militant calls
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for free post-secondary education
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that have brought the entire capitalist system into question.
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Education in Chile is deeply segregated by class.
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The level of privatization caused students to go into debt.
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Families would be spending such a large portion
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of their earnings to pay for education
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that people started to realize that it was a right
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that they were being deprived of
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and that they had to begin to mobilize.
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Traditional universities, especially state universities,
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have a long tradition of student organizing and mobilizing,
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where student federations are established organizations
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and are “accepted” by the rectories
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and the government as a valid interlocutor
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when discussing student issues.
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The private universities that were established in 1981
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are institutions that,
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generally speaking,
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have only had university federations since the 2000s.
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It was at that moment that the students began
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to demand their right to organize
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in a federation that was legitimized
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by the rectories of those institutions.
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The university federations are grouped in CONFECH.
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The CONFECH is the federation of Chilean students
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and is like the main body
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bringing together the different university federations
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of the majority of Chilean universities,
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whether they be private or public.
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The movement of 2011 was a really defining moment.
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People felt and believed in a struggle of their own,
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and seeing that the demonstrations
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began to attract many students,
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a much deeper analysis began to take form
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with regards to education.
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The main slogans that guided the mobilization
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cover different areas.
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The first has to do with free education,
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the demand that higher education
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be free and accessible for all students,
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regardless of the socio-economic level of their families.
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The second has to do
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with the forgiveness of debts incurred by Chilean families
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during the process of educating their children.
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The third has to do with the orientation
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that education has in our country.
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And there, the CONFECH’s demand
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is to advance the creation
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of a national development project,
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in which the universities
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– and in particular the public and state universities –
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play a strategic role in the design of public policies,
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in conjunction with the state.
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It was at that point that secondary students
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also came together with their own demands,
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and the need to coordinate
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with high school students was sparked,
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since they also had been resisting, since 2006
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– which was known as the Penguin's Revolution.
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We could see a level of support
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that no other kind of social movement
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during the last decades had seen,
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since the end of the dictatorship.
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There were even polls that pointed to
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over 80% of the population supporting student demands.
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We saw demonstrations
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of up to one million people in the capital,
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with entire families participating,
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with workers' unions participating,
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with people in the streets
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who were not affiliated
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with any political organization supporting.
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The student demands
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had resonated with a great majority of the country.
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For example, the fight against indebtedness,
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but also the struggle for a less classist educational system
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that contributes to the development of the country,
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and not just to the profits of the ruling class.
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Within what was called the anarchist movement,
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it was thought that the participation of anarchists
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within the dynamics of the student movement
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– for example in the election leaders,
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participation in voting,
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participation in assemblies, etc –
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was something that did not correspond
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to the principles of the anarchist movement.
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As of 2003, we decided that it was something
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that did not correspond to our current reality,
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that as a libertarian movement
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we had the responsibility to nourish the student movement
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with our political perspective.
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And that if it meant that our comrades
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had to take on representational roles
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in an attempt to to democratize those spaces,
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it had to be done.
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There were different visions.
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On the one hand,
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there were groups that were very, like, platform based,
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and who called themselves anarchists.
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But they were groups that, after all,
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also sought leadership positions.
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And on the other hand,
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there were young people who were looking
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for a much more horizontal organization,
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a much more direct manifestation, or, direct action.
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Beginning with small affinity groups,
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a movement that unites from below.
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I think it served to effectively keep up the pressure.
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So that it wasn’t so easy to impose the direction
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that this movement could take.
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It was already super distorted
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by the filters of the political parties
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that directed the assemblies in some way.
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f we did not resist in some way,
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we were going to let it be much easier
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for them to control things.
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At the end of the day,
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you realized that it served to link you with other people
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who were not even part of your student organizations.
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But who also had their own networks.
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And it allowed you to see what the mistakes were,
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or the things that don't really make sense
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in the spaces in which people were mobilizing.
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I think it's possible to draw several lessons
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from the experience the Chilean student movement
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has accumulated during the last decade and a half.
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One of them has to do with the ability
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of the student movement and its political organizations
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to protect its internal democratic structures.
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That allows students in the country
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to be represented democratically,
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and grants legitimacy to their spaces of representation.
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The other lesson has to do with the need to move
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from economic demands to political demands.
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Questioning not only the way in which neoliberalism
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expresses itself concretely in terms of education,
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but by questioning the foundations
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of neoliberal educational policy.
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And what that means, is questioning, for example,
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the role that banks and the private sector
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play in education to the detriment of the public sector.
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Another lesson has to do with the ability
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of the student movement to exercise,
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or establish ties of solidarity with other social movements.
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During 2011-2012,
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we forged a process of coordination
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and relationship with labour unions,
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with neighbourhood organizations,
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with environmental organizations,
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with organizations that fought for
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and demanded gender equality,
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and with an endless number of other social groups
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within Chilean society
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that share with us a critique of neoliberal society.
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Because that allows their political demand
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not to be exhausted within the educational demand,
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but rather to be projected into a political project
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that overcomes the student struggle,
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and that is ultimately related to
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the struggle against the neoliberal model
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– and therefore to the construction
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of a different political alternative.
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Students that go to school in areas without
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an established radical student movement
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often face structural and political obstacles
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to the types of grassroots organizing required
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to call general strikes,
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or otherwise coordinate mass mobilizations
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of thousands of rowdy youth
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eager to throw down against the cops.
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In so-called Canada,
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student unions outside of Quebec
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are run according to the logic of representative democracy,
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whereby decision-making is heavily concentrated
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in the hands of a small executive body,
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whose members are elected to annual terms.
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These schools also lack institutions
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of popular participation and direct democracy,
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such as the general assemblies
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that proved so crucial to helping to kick off
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the 2012 student strike in Quebec.
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Making matters even worse,
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many of these local student unions are grouped into large,
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reformist student blocks like the CFS,
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or Canadian Federation of Students,
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who are heavily invested in the status quo.
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Each year, the CFS national executive
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collects millions of dollars out of students' tuition fees,
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which they then funnel into harmlessly lobbying politicians
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and paying their own bloated salaries.
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Not only do groups like the CFS
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occupy a space where a potentially revolutionary
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national student federation could exist,
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but they often employ a ruthless mix of lawyers,
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fear-mongering campaigns
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and procedural red tape in order to maintain their control
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and ensure that no radical threats to their position
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are allowed to emerge.
-
But resistance has to start somewhere.
-
The secret is discovering where to begin.
-
These are very transforming times in one's life.
-
So it's a time to learn how to act together
-
and take control on the world,
-
which needs you.
-
It's going bad out there.
-
And there is such poor political culture.
-
And the only way to break that
-
is to learn to speak to one another on common grounds
-
and find what can spur us towards action.
-
There's really a deep interconnection
-
between student organizing
-
and anti-capitalist and anarchist organizing in Montreal.
-
The student movement in Quebec
-
has existed and has organized grassroots struggles
-
long before student unions were officially recognized.
-
And certainly within the student movement,
-
these ideas of direct democracy
-
– they don't come out of the ether.
-
In the coming years,
-
we will confront the austerity measures
-
of the Fiscal Control Board
-
and US Congress.
-
But I think that we're stronger now
-
because students are more organized.
-
I think one of the things, also,
-
that anti-capitalists can bring to the student movement
-
– and they have brought it, and it's been welcomed, also –
-
is this analysis that striking for student issues
-
is really important.
-
But ultimately, blocking a tuition hike
-
isn't going to overthrow society.
-
It's not going to overthrow capitalism
-
and it's not gonna really solve
-
the day-to-day problems that students face.
-
What the student movement does,
-
by organizing a political struggle,
-
is that it exposes the state, and its policies
-
and the government for what they really are.
-
To be able to defend the right to mobilize,
-
we have to be capable of formulating a political discourse
-
that allows us to count on
-
the substantial support of the people,
-
so that our demands are understood.
-
So that the tactics utilized
-
- be they street battles,
-
street demonstrations,
-
or university building occupations,
-
is understood by the citizens.
-
To achieve that, it's important to
-
publicize our objectives.
-
To publish videos explaining why we are mobilizing
-
- the reasons why we are mobilizing -
-
and connect the demands of the students
-
with the hardships that workers endure every day.
-
If we don't fight to transform our country,
-
we won't be able to fight for a real education.
-
The independence of Puerto Rico would be
-
one aspect of our success.
-
Quality public education is
-
one aspect of our struggle.
-
The education of the street is
-
another aspect of our struggle.
-
I can say that many of the comrades who
-
were involved in the 2010-11 strike,
-
and the one in 2017,
-
understood that.
-
That's why they are organizing alternative projects.
-
New organizations emerge
-
that were not tied to past political groups.
-
These new organizations emerge
-
to meet the needs of the students.
-
Give priority to grassroots organizing more than
-
groups that direct from the top.
-
Otherwise it becomes an imaginary mobilization.
-
One of the big stumbling blocks, I think,
-
that has to be broken down elsewhere
-
is that representative student democracy
-
is really just a breeding ground for politicians.
-
And we know, like, what politicians are about.
-
And they're not about defending students
-
and defending student issues.
-
It's hard to bring a new student union
-
that was used to the more lobbying sphere,
-
to a more grassroots organizing.
-
Because you have to organize.
-
You have to mobilize people.
-
It's a lot of work, but it's also very rewarding.
-
You talk to people, you politicize them,
-
and you have the impression you're really changing things.
-
This mindset is very different from
-
the other big student federations in Canada and Quebec
-
that tends to see the government as,
-
not an ally, but something that can be reasoned with.
-
We've heard about how CFS has used legal devices
-
and lawyers and courts
-
to try and keep student unions under control.
-
But I think it's becoming more and more clear
-
to students across Canada that the CFS is really
-
more about control and money
-
than actual student organizing.
-
Organizing with the people,
-
and having a broad movement
-
is a really strong thing.
-
It might sound cheesy,
-
but I truly believe that it can be a gateway
-
for better friendships,
-
deeper relationships
-
with the people you share your life with,
-
your spaces with... your neighbourhood with.
-
It was the massive student movement,
-
plus the support of the people for our political demands
-
that allowed us to confront the repression
-
with a violence of self-defense
-
that was legitimized
-
by a large group of the population.
-
Police and state repression
-
transformed us.
-
It radicalized us.
-
Changing us from student fighters
-
into street fighters.
-
Do it!
-
You guys are what's coming.
-
As the global political climate
-
continues to accelerate from bad to worse,
-
prospects for our collective future
-
are looking pretty bleak.
-
Today's generations are faced
-
with a myriad of seemingly intractable problems,
-
rooted in an increasingly authoritarian
-
and repressive international capitalist regime,
-
and whose dire consequences
-
pose existential threats to the planet
-
and even humanity itself.
-
Many of the radicals of '68
-
have now been incorporated into the very systems of control
-
they once rose up to oppose.
-
If we hope to alter the dangerous trajectory
-
we now find ourselves on,
-
it is vital that a new generation of revolutionaries
-
rise up to address these challenges head-on.
-
So at this point, we’d like to remind you
-
that Trouble is intended to be watched in groups,
-
and to be used as a resource
-
to promote discussion and collective organizing.
-
Are you a student that's interested in carrying out
-
revolutionary anti-capitalist organizing
-
on your university or college campus,
-
or even in your high school?
-
Consider getting together with some comrades,
-
organizing a screening of this film,
-
and discussing a strategy for where you might get started.
-
Interested in running regular screenings of Trouble
-
at your campus, infoshop, community center,
-
or even just at home with friends?
-
Become a Trouble-Maker!
-
For 10 bucks a month,
-
we’ll hook you up with an advanced copy of the show,
-
and a screening kit featuring additional resources
-
and some questions you can use to get a discussion going.
-
If you can’t afford to support us financially, no worries!
-
You can stream and/or download
-
all our content for free off our website:
-
If you’ve got any suggestions for show topics,
-
or just want to get in touch,
-
drop us a line at trouble@sub.media.
-
We're stoked to announce
-
that we reached our fundraising goals
-
for the upcoming year,
-
meaning that we've been able to grow the subMedia team.
-
The next couple of months
-
will be a bit of an adjustment period,
-
but you can all look forward
-
to Stim's return with a brand new show
-
sometime in the not-too-distant future,
-
as well as an increased output of videos
-
throughout 2018 and beyond.
-
We're really excited about it,
-
and wanna give a big shout-out
-
to all those who kicked in to make it possible.
-
Stay tuned for part two of this series next month,
-
as we take a closer look at another batch
-
of student movements from around the globe.
-
This episode would not have been possible
-
without the generous support of Josh and Christian.
-
Now get out there... and make some trouble!