vimeo.com/.../271940455

Greetings Troublemakers...
welcome to Trouble.

My name is not important.

Capitalism, as an international
and inter-connected system of

economic domination,
assumes different forms

in different parts of the world.

This is partly due to the need to adapt
to local customs and conditions,

and partly by design.

In some territories, local life is
coloured by the region's significance

to the global economy as a
source of agricultural production,

or a site of resource extraction.

I come from coal country.

My grandfather was a coal miner
… actually all my grandfathers.

Others, such as the Pearl River Delta
region in southeast China,

have been selected for their
deep reservoirs of cheap labour

and built up into global epicentres
of low-wage industrial manufacturing.

Here, high-tech gadgets are mass-produced

under the watchful eye of
the Chinese Communist Party

and shipped off to consumer markets
in the Global North,

ending up in any number
of metropolitan cities,

each competing for prominence
as hubs of cultural production,

research and development,
and IT.

But although the local character
of capitalist exploitation

and alienation differs,
each corner of its global empire

is connected by a unifying logic,

one that aims to coerce the vast majority
of us to toil our lives away

for the benefit of a tiny minority.

Gentrification, as one of the primary
methods of urban transformation

under capitalism,

plays out differently in different cities
and neighbourhoods for similar reasons.

But like the broader
economic system it's part of,

gentrification has a tendency
towards homogenization,

creating neighbourhoods
that look strangely similar

to their counterparts
half-way across the world.

As we saw in the
first part of this series,

those caught up in this process
experience these changes

through the first-hand
violence of displacement,

and the general dislocation
brought about by changes

to the communities they grew up in.

Many people,
rather than be passive observers

to their own forced removal
from their homes, decide to resist.

Over the next thirty minutes,
we will look at some of

the stories of resistance coming out of
the San Francisco Bay Area,

Berlin
and Montreal.

Along the way, we will speak with
a number of individuals

who are marking their territory,
fighting back against the encroachment

of tech companies and high-price
boutiques into their hoods

... and making a whole lot of trouble.

Silicon Valley is south of
San Francisco and Oakland,

and emerged as this Cold War project
that was receiving a lot of military and

government funding to produce
different technology during the Cold War.

After the Cold War a lot of these
companies became more consumer-oriented.

And we can really see this moment
coinciding with the birth of the Internet

and the rise of the dot com boom.

And what we’re seeing now is that
the models of Google and Apple

aren’t going to necessarily
bust in the same ways

that the companies of the
late 90s and early 2000s busted.

In San Francisco there are
lots of smaller start-ups.

There are also now big companies,
like Twitter, right in downtown.

These companies in Silicon Valley
have enabled their workers

to reverse-commute to and from work,

so that they can live in these
kind of cool, culturally interesting

neighbourhoods in San Francisco,
or in Oakland.

Gentrification is impacting
all of the Bay Area.

There are smaller, personal,
beautiful acts of resistance

committed by exploited and oppressed
people in their daily lives everywhere.

The largest flashpoints of resistance
have been in San Francisco and Oakland.

Many galleries and artists,
even the well-intentioned,

participate in this process by
developing spaces and creating works

that cater to a gentrifier audience.

And by not honestly engaging with
the dynamics around how their projects

actually assist the real estate industry
and the erasure of local cultures.

KHY serves as a graffiti crew,
a network of creatives and radicals,

as well as a broader movement
through which people from various hoods,

spaces and communities express
their love, rage and solidarities.

We participate in local
street-rooted projects that produce

both cultural and material resistance
and prioritize building with

local oppressed and exploited folks.
Many who have had little or no access

to established activist
and art institutions.

Most street art is legal,

thereby not challenging
the concept of private property.

Nor contributing to the fight against
capital for our public social spaces.

Every act of graffiti challenges the logic
of property and shatters the illusion

that the state can
control us at all times.

Even so, graffiti writers and their work
can align with the goals of gentrification

if they are aren’t conscious
of several factors.

When graffiti is both illegal
and explicitly radical in intention,

it is not only a material
act of resistance,

but also a way through which
to communicate and inspire,

to explore and familiarize ourselves
with our physical environments,

and to develop confidence in one’s agency
and the capacity to execute actions

alone and as part of
an affinity group or crew.

The Anti-Eviction Mapping Project
is a data visualization

and digital story-telling collective
that makes web maps,

that creates community events,

and that does collaborative research
to fight the eviction crisis.

We work collectively with a number
of different community partners

and right now we have probably
about 50 people working in it.

We’ve actually found that
evictions are proximate

to these phenomenon that
people call Google bus stops.

But basically they’re bus stops that
big companies - not just Google -

can use to transport their workers.

So we’ve found that 69%
of evictions are happening

within four blocks of these bus stops.

Around 2013,
we decided we would block one.

And it was a collective of different
housing activists in the Bay Area

that engaged in the first bus protest.

Afterwards other groups
like Eviction Free San Francisco

created its own bus blockade.

Different anarchist collectives in Oakland
also created bus blockades.

The media got very involved in these.

And everyone suddenly,
I think, became aware locally

but also nationally and internationally,

of the sort of correlation
between real estate speculation

and eviction and high tech.

The police are complicit in gentrification

because they provide
the physical violence necessary.

The police carry out evictions,

intimidate and threaten
working-class venues and projects,

harass houseless folks, criminalize
sex workers, enforce gang injunctions

and just wage general violence
against us to show that

we aren’t “allowed”
in these spaces anymore.

In both cities there
have been police murders,

primarily of Black and Latinx folks,
related to gentrification.

Many were of people who were simply
existing in contested social spaces,

such as working-class streets and parks in
areas being targeted for gentrification.

The city has created apps so that
you can reserve public playgrounds.

You can pay on this app to reserve, y'know
a portion of a public park or playground.

And there was this very epic event
in which some employees

from Drop Box and from Air BnB
scheduled a soccer match

in this public playground
through their app,

and proceeded to try to kick youth
of colour off the playground because,

y’know, they had reserved it on this app.

And meanwhile these youth of colour
had been playing soccer

for years on this playground
and didn’t know about the app.

Never had to pay
… that’s just where they played.

If you wanna play pick-up,
you play pick-up like the rest of us.

It’s not pick-up. You can book the field.

Just because you got money
and can pay for the field

you don’t get to book it for an hour,
to take over these kids fuckin, like…

It’s like 80 bucks!
It’s like 80 bucks per person.

It’s bullshit. No, it’s bullshit!

Luckily there was a protest
that ensued after that incident

and the youth won their right to keep on
playing in their playground

without the app.

Sideshows are essentially large,
unpermitted moving car shows

that perform stunts.

These shows are hosted by mostly
working-class youth of colour,

are organized in a decentralized manner
and gather dozens to hundreds,

and sometimes even thousands,
of participants.

Approaching police vehicles have
their dispersal commands ignored

and are often attacked with bottles,
other projectiles, and are stomped out.

Fuck the police!

When sideshows hold space in the streets,

it is a group effort which can
relieve the alienation,

anxiety and depression
that comes with living

in neighbourhoods struggling
with violence and poverty.

In Berlin, average housing prices
jumped more than 20% last year,

earning the city the dubious title of the
hottest real estate market in the world.

Much of this increase has to do
with a wave of property speculation,

triggered in part by the
large-scale sell-off,

by the city’s former mayor,
Klaus Wowereit,

of over 110,000 social housing units
to private real estate firms

and investment banks like Goldman Sachs.

The rapid spike in property values
has been accompanied

by a flurry of new high-rise
condo construction

that is transforming the character
of working-class neighbourhoods.

And this is happening in a city
where 85% of residents are renters.

Alongside this meteoric rise
in the cost of living, for years now,

Berlin has been positioning itself
as the new Silicon Valley of Europe.

Already home to a growing number
of global tech start-ups,

the city was recently chosen
as the site of a new Google campus,

planned to set up shop in the trendy
working-class neighbourhood of Kreuzberg.

This announcement triggered an
immediate backlash from local residents

and digital privacy advocates alike,

transforming the proposed
Google outpost into a potent symbol

of the city's IT-fuelled
gentrification woes,

and the broader restructuring
of the global economy

being led by the tech industry.

People are very much concerned
here that Berlin would turn into

a new San Francisco, or a new Toronto,
or a new London,

where the most vulnerable people
got evicted from the centres

and pushed towards the periphery.

Kreuzberg has historically been
the hot spot for social struggles.

Anarchist communities have
thrived there since the 90s,

and many movements
got organized in the neighbourhood.

Since last year,
many communities and individuals

mobilized against the implantation
of the Google campus in Kreuzberg.

On the one hand many
people from the neighborhood

who are affected
by the ongoing displacement

are fighting against capitalist
restructuring of the city.

They have felt the increase
in living cost during the past years

of start-ups moving into the area.

Google Campus
will only accelerate this process.

On the other hand more and more people
are starting to realize that Google

is at the center of a growing system
of totalitarian technological control.

In a very decentralized way,
a network of opponents got together.

First, posters in the streets,

then public meetings
in the anarchist library, Kalabal!k.

What is really impressive here is
to see these decentralized networks

of actors with no real center engaging
in many diverse direct actions

from graffiti on the walls of the
Google Campus, to paint attacks.

There have been unregistered
noise demonstrations

every month at the campus site,

and a Molotov attack on tech co-working
space Start-Up Factory Görlitzer Park.

Also, The newspaper "Shitstorm"
with a print of 8000

contains articles criticizing Google
and the world it stands for,

from an anarchist perspective.

Google is one of the strongest forces
behind the present convergence

of information tech, cybernetics,
nano-tech, neuroscience, and bio-tech.

And this is more than just an
upgrade to the industrial system,

it is a fundamental change
towards power-as-domination.

Therefore we don’t want
this entity at all as a neighbour.

It’s not any form of hyper-capitalist
driven gentrification.

It is Google.

The Google empire responsible for mass
surveillance of everyone on this planet.

That actually normalized this business
model based on that mass surveillance.

Where fighting gentrification
also means fighting mass surveillance.

Also means fighting
technological dystopia.

Also means fighting
this hyper-capitalism.

Security around the site of
the projected Google Campus

has tremendously increased when activists
started attacking the building itself.

We don’t count anymore the number
of paint attacks and graffiti attacks.

In several fonts and colours
already was written ‘Fuck Google’

all over the facade of the building.

So at first they put some security guards,
then some security guards day and night.

Then several security guards.

Then frequently we
also see the police there.

Google has been trying to counter
our efforts to articulate this critique

by throwing money at business owners,

politicians and other
institutions in the city

and doing their own
counter public relations.

Until recently most of the groups
had been united in their practices

of not negotiating with officials.

But divide and conquer
strategies are starting

to take hold within this community.

The Berlin police are reacting as
a way to serve these financial interests

of Google and the ones
who want to take over our city.

We also see that there is a political
will by the local administration

of the city to accompany
this tech-based gentrification.

This ‘start-up-ification’ of
our lives and neighbourhoods.

It is clear to us that it doesn't
matter what politician is in power

since they will decide
in favour of capital every time.

What we hope to do is somehow to lower

the attractiveness of the city
for these companies.

If we kick Google out of Kreuzberg,
we hope that other companies,

other giants from Silicon Valley,
would think twice

before thinking to do the same.

Within the colonially-occupied
territories ruled by the Canadian state,

Montréal stands out among large cities,

both in terms of its militant
culture of resistance,

and its relatively affordable rents.

But while it hasn't seen
the same rapid pace of gentrification

as the country's other
metropolitan regions,

such as the Greater Toronto
and Vancouver Areas,

Montréal still faces many
of the same gentrification pressures

seen in countless other
urban environments around the world.

Namely, an increase in condo construction
and other luxury development projects,

a saturation of Air B&B rentals,

and the opening of countless boutiques,
trendy restaurants and hipster cafes

seeking to cater to tourists
and the city’s more affluent residents.

We bought a building in,
you know, what was once considered

a 'hood’ and transformed what was a,
you know, disheveled building into this,

you know, overly-luxurious,
fantasious, men’s club-type place,

that we could only dream of attending.

These changes are leading to
significant levels of displacement

from working-class
and immigrant neighbourhoods,

which in turn has provoked
widespread community resistance,

including a good number
of anonymous attacks

emerging from the shadowy ranks of
the city's sizable network of anarchists.

In a lot of ways people tend
to use a lot of settler colonial tropes

as a way of legitimizing
gentrification in Parc Ex.

People frequently refer to
the neighbourhood as being “exotic”,

as a “hidden gem”,
or a “newly discovered neighbourhood”.

People express a lot of interest in
its restaurants but very little concern

with respect to the lives of the folks who
actually do live in the neighbourhood.

Parc Extension is a
predominantly working class,

immigrant, and poor
people of colour neighbourhood

located in sort of the central north part
of Tio’tia:ke, or so-called Montréal.

Today Parc Extension is one of Canada's
poorest neighbourhoods.

Plaza Hutchison has long served
as a community center

and meeting place for Parc-Ex residents.

In Spring 2017, the Plaza Hutchison
building was purchased

by the BSR group to be converted
into luxury apartment suites.

From the outset, its manager Ron Basal
has been very up-front

about stating that the units are all to be
rented out at so-called "market price"

and are not meant
to be affordable housing.

We tried to intervene
in the permit approval process,

we also disrupted a number
of city council meetings in an effort

to prevent elected officials
from granting the permit.

We were fairly violently
forced out of the room by the police.

And committee members
were actually forced to the ground,

arrested and charged.

I think it’s very clear from his actions
that Basal is not in the least bit

interested in the well-being
of the neighbourhood

and is only seeking to profit off
of the displacement of its residents.

Our experience suggests
that engaging in municipal politics

only ever brought us to a dead end.

There’s a number of instances

- be it through the rent strikes
in Toronto and Hamilton,

or building occupations
that have taken place in Montréal -

that there’s actually a number
of tactics that exist outside

of administrative and
political channels that can be

far more effective
in terms of stopping gentrification.

I think we’ve drawn some inspiration
from Hochelaga and St. Henri

as places where there have been
broader based community movements,

but also autonomous,
affinity-based groups that have been able

to engage in much more
confrontational actions,

and we believe those groups
have done really important work

in terms of highlighting the ways in
which gentrification is a violent process

and how a lot of the
cafés and vintage stores

actually are very inaccessible
to the people who

live in those neighbourhoods
and we definitely hope to do more work in

the coming months to sent a clear message
to developers and would-be gentrifiers

that if they try to get
these projects off the ground,

that they will be confronted
at every step along the way.

We know that gentrification
tends to be accompanied

by more police violence
and state repression.

And Parc-Ex in particular is a
neighbourhood where there already exists

a significant amount of racial profiling,
of police surveillance and harassment.

An important question we’ve been
asking ourselves is how we can work

to make the neighbourhood an uncomfortable
place for would-be gentrifiers,

but also to try to limit the
ways in which that could contribute

to police presence in the neighbourhood.

So, St. Henri was a historically
white working-class neighbourhood.

Well... historically
it’s Kanienkehaka territory

but this is one of the problems
when talking about gentrification.

It can erase ongoing colonial
violence and dispossession.

Sometimes, anti-gentrification
struggles get framed as just

“we want to stay” and that can lend
itself to some pretty shitty things,

especially in the context of a white
working-class francophone population

and reactions to displaced folks
from elsewhere in the world moving here.

There have been some
good moments in the South West.

For example, the squat in 2013
that the POPIR was involved in

that forced the city to take a few lots in
the neighbourhood off the private market.

I have nothing, no sympathy, zero!

They’re punks, they’re anarchists.
They’re from the black bloc.

There is a wide range of tactics
used by the struggle

against gentrification in Montreal
and there always has been.

The sausage heist was an interesting one.
A very Robin Hood-inspired action.

Just before closing Saturday night
at Maxine Tremblay’s store,

30 people in masks stormed in.

Half of them came inside with bags,
put food in their bags...

They told the employee
‘just shut up, don’t move.’

'Don’t do nothing,
we just want to steal some stuff.'

They threw smoke bombs,
stole food, spray painted graffiti

and glued posters to the windows.

Their message?
Gentrifiers, get out.

It was a brazen attack
on several businesses

at close to midnight on Saturday.

A group of individuals
wearing ski masks at the time,

broke the windows of four businesses.

Dressed all in black,
the vandals damaged store fronts,

as seen in this security video
obtained by Global News.

If we’re just talking about attacks,
I’d say that most of the communication

happens through anonymous
communiques on the internet.

Sometimes there are posters,
sometimes there is some graff,

sometimes, you know,
people drop off flyers somewhere.

People have gone door to door
to put flyers in mailboxes.

The mainstream media, they pick up
the most spectacular attacks,

and they're not on our side and
I wouldn't say that people rely on them

to communicate motivations
and rationale fairly.

It’s no longer vandalism,
it’s causing terror

to the people who are living in the area.

Corey Shapiro owns
several businesses in St. Henri.

Two of them were attacked
over the weekend.

A few years ago, Corey Shapiro,

the almost comical evil figurehead
of gentrification in St. Henri…

Or as they call me in the area
where we populate in Montreal

... ‘The Notorious Gentrifier’.

called for business owners
to band together

and hire private security for their shops.

His super fancy glasses store,
L’Archive, kept getting spat on

and he was pissed about it.

One person got a ticket for spitting
on L’Archive cause undercover cops

were stationed outside the store at night.

Cops have always protected
those with money.

In Hochelaga specifically,
the coming of yuppie businesses,

the place valois, and the condos
were definitely a major factor.

The city is trying to rebrand the
neighbourhood by renaming the area HOMA

- which is just some fuckin’ hipster
remix of Hochelaga-Maisonneuve.

They wanna change the image of this
neighbourhood from a rugged working-class,

like, somewhat criminal area
to a yuppie playground.

And of course that is just a continuation

of the colonial capitalist
project of occupation.

Montreal’s police force plays a huge
role in the process.

They remove street-based sex-workers,
drug-users, and homeless folks.

They can pretend to be
objective and neutral all they want

but the laws that they enforce
benefit business and property owners.

There’s been numerous
demands by business owners,

specifically those who’ve been
targeted by direct action,

for an increase in
cameras in the neighbourhood.

They wanna make sure that
if anyone steps out of line

there’s gonna be proof and convictions.

The collaboration between the state
and capitalists is pretty fuckin’ blatant.

It’s Projet Montreal calling
for so-called 'social mixity',

a fucking code word for gentrification.

These people are friends and they
just can’t wait for the area to be nicer,

meaning richer and “cleaned up”.

There are community groups
doing harm reduction

and mutual aid which is good work.

There’s interesting
decentralized direct action

that goes on which has
been effective in some ways.

Some businesses were so badly hit,
they were forced to close for clean-ups.

It’s scary,
because it’s not the first time.

It worries business owners.
It angers the rich.

It shows that cops
are somewhat ineffective,

and definitely allows
for some cathartic revenge.

When we think of territoriality,
we should think about it in terms of land

and not neighbourhoods
as clearly defined spaces.

We shouldn’t be dividing the
island into lots and smaller lots.

It’s not our decision to make and
it’s usually just used by the state

to map out and better
control the city anyways.

Municipal politicians try to
pacify struggles constantly.

If we listened to them, action other
than voting would never be the solution.

They’re inherently against conflictuality.

While it can often feel like it,
the struggle against gentrification

is not a zero-sum game.

By organizing and mounting
collective resistance

to the forces fueling
and pushing this process,

communities grow stronger
and more resilient,

even as they face the attrition
brought on by displacement.

Lessons learned in a campaign
to stop the construction

of a luxury condo development
can be applied to future battles

to halt the selling-off
of social housing units.

Tactics developed
in a battle against a new cafe

can be used to bring pressure to bear
against a notorious slumlord.

When we navigate
new terrains intentionally,

whether they be darkened back alleyways
to take out surveillance cameras,

or the hallways of apartment buildings
to knock on our neighbours doors

-- each provide us with skills that
we wouldn't have developed

if we hadn't first taken
the initiative to act.

Confidence and militancy are contagious.

Tactics and strategies honed
in one struggle can be catalytic,

spreading beyond
their initial participants

and inspiring others to take similar
action to defend their own blocks.

I think a great deal about
the importance of, you know, of centering,

directly affected folks in organizing.

We believe it’s important to think about
who’s coming to our meetings.

Who are our events being geared towards?
How are we reaching out to people?

Are we doing the important groundwork
of handing out flyers,

of you know,
of knocking on people’s doors,

of reaching people where they’re at?

Start with homies and
comrades you really trust.

You can start as small as stickering,
or as big as you’d like,

but act as soon as you can.

Make sure your crew is not only
rooted in shared views,

but also in friendship and solidarity.

Above all, we also think it’s
important to align ourselves with

other struggles against poverty, racism,
and displacement in the neighbourhood.

Learn from and grow and build
with folks who occupy different spaces

and cultures so that networks grow
beyond smaller, radical circles.

Organize these networks
from the local perspective

but with a global objective
and a global reach.

Ensure to do all to inspire
the world with what’s happening.

I think it’s important for us to
remember that we’re on stolen land,

to remember those who
were initially displaced

and to continue to support struggles
for Indigenous solidarity as well.

To create that knowledge
and that fight from the ground up

and to do data work but
to also do direct action work.

Different groups can
prioritize different things.

Not everyone has to work on policy.

Not everybody has to produce the maps,

not everybody has to, you know,
organize direct actions.

But if different groups can
kind of take on different things,

or maybe different groups can, you know,
work in different neighbourhoods

or have different regional scopes,
I think struggles can be

more powerful and effective.

So, you gotta broaden your analysis, you
gotta find ways to connect your struggle

to community autonomy and mutual aid.

You gotta be focused on
your short-term goal,

but also connecting them
to the longer term goals.

Try to stay in your neighbourhood,

build relationships with your
neighbours who aren’t anarchists

… don’t be afraid of combative tactics,
but don’t fetishize them either.

Fighting gentrification isn’t necessarily
fighting capitalism and colonialism.

It has a more limited scope,
and that opens it up to recuperation.

Unfortunately, I think that
there has been a fetishization

of tactics and discourse on all sides.

Both in community organizing
and decentralized attacks.

I guess I’d say I’m annoyed
with populist discourse

and abstract community-building
on the left,

and badass posing in informal circles.

I think it’s interesting to
discuss these different tactics.

To be honest about what they accomplish
and what are their limitations.

And to be open to
different things happening.

And engaging in these fights
through a variety of scales

and with a variety of tactics,

is really important, and I think
it’s imperative that these processes

and these struggles maintain
anti-racist, and anti-capitalist, feminist

approaches to their organizing
and to their theorizing.

I think that’s extremely important.

The conscious desire for total freedom
requires a transformation of ourselves

and our relationships in the
context of revolutionary struggle.

It becomes necessary not merely to rush
into this that, or the other activity.

But to grasp and learn to use all
of those tools that we can take

as our own and use
against the current existent

based on domination.

In particular, the analysis of
the world and our activity in it,

relationships of affinity and
indomitable spirit.

It has also become necessary
to recognize and resolutely

avoid those tools of social change
offered by the current order

that can only reinforce
the logic of domination and submission,

delegation, negotiation,
petition, evangelicalism,

the creation of media
images of ourselves, and so on.

These wider tools precisely
reinforce hierarchy, separation,

and dependence on the power structure,

which is the reason why they are
offered to us for use in our struggles.

Fuck off Google (x 6)

I don’t know if it helps.

As our cities continue
to be steadily transformed

according to dictates of capital,

tossing more working-class,
racialized and immigrant populations

into new suburban ghettos,

struggles against gentrification will only
become more urgent and more desperate.

But as long as people
continue to live in cities,

these urban environments
will continue to be sites of resistance.

The shape that this resistance takes,
and the measure of its effectiveness

will depend on the concrete actions taken
to build solidarity among our neighbours,

prepare our collective defences,
and sharpen our tools of attack.

This process will require
active and dedicated engagement

on the part of revolutionaries
equipped with the patience

to build relationships of
mutual trust and respect,

and the humility to learn and adapt
our strategies and tactics as required.

So at this point,
we’d like to remind you that Trouble

is intended to be watched in groups,

and to be used as a resource to promote
discussion and collective organizing.

Are you interested in getting
more involved in fighting gentrification

and defending your block?

Consider getting together
with some comrades,

organizing a screening of this film,
and discussing where to get started.

Interested in running
regular screenings of Trouble

at your campus, infoshop, community center
or even just at home with your friends?

Become a Trouble-Maker!

For 10 bucks a month, we’ll hook you up
with an advanced copy of the show,

and a screening kit
featuring additional resources

and some questions you can use
to get a discussion going.

If you can’t afford to support us
financially, no worries!

You can stream and/or download
all our content for free off our website:

If you’ve got any suggestions for show
topics, or just want to get in touch,

drop us a line at:

This month, sub.Media bids a fond farewell
to one of our collective members,

Tierra Morena, as they leave
to focus more attention on other projects.

Tierra has been an integral
part of our team here at Trouble,

and we look forward to the chance
for future collaborations

further down the line.

Last but not least, this episode
would not have been possible

without the generous support of Magdalena.

Now get out there
…. and make some trouble!