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The laws that sex workers really want | Toni Mac | TEDxEastEnd

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    I want to talk about sex for money.
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    I'm not like most of the people
    you'll have heard speaking
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    about prostitution before.
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    I'm not a police officer
    or a social worker.
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    I'm not an academic,
    a journalist or a politician.
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    I'm not a nun, either.
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    Most of those people would tell you
    that selling sex is degrading.
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    That no-one would ever choose to do it.
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    That it's dangerous -
    women get abused and killed.
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    In fact, most of those people would say
    there should be a law against it.
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    And maybe that sounds reasonable to you.
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    It sounded reasonable to me.
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    Until the closing months of 2009
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    when I was working two dead-end,
    minimum wage jobs.
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    Every month my wages would just replenish
    my overdraft.
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    I was exhaused
    and my life was going nowhere.
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    Like many others before me,
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    I decided sex for money
    was a better option.
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    And don't get me wrong, I would have loved
    to have won the lottery instead.
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    But it wasn't going to happen
    any time soon,
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    and my rent needed paying.
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    So I signed up
    for my first shift in a brothel.
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    In the years that have passed,
    I've had a lot of time to think.
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    I've reconsidered the ideas I once had
    about prostitution.
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    I've given a lot of thought to consent
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    and the nature of work under capitalism.
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    I've thought about gender inequality
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    and the sexual and reproductive
    labor of women.
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    I've experienced exploitation
    and violence at work.
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    I've thought about what's needed
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    to protect other sex workers
    from these things.
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    Maybe you've thought about them, too.
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    In this talk,
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    I'll take you through
    the four main legal approaches
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    applied to sex work throughout the world,
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    and explain why they don't work;
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    why prohibiting the sex industry
    actually exacerbates every harm
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    that sex workers are vulnerable to.
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    Then I'm going tell you about what we,
    as sex workers, actually want.
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    The first approach
    is full criminalization.
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    Half the world,
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    including Russia, South Africa
    and most of the US,
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    regulates sex work by criminalizing
    everyone involved.
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    So that's seller, buyer and third parties.
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    Lawmakers in these countries
    apparently hope
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    that the fear of getting arrested
    will deter people from selling sex.
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    But if you're forced to choose
    between obeying the law
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    and feeding yourself or your family,
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    you're going to do the work anyway,
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    and take the risk.
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    Criminalization is a trap.
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    It's hard to get a conventional job
    when you have a criminal record.
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    Potential employers won't hire you.
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    Assuming you still need money,
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    you'll stay in the more flexible,
    informal economy.
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    The law forces you to keep selling sex,
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    which is the exact opposite
    of its intended effect.
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    Being criminalized leaves you exposed
    to mistreatment by the state itself.
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    In many places you may be coerced
    into paying a bribe
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    or even into having sex
    with a police officer
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    to avoid arrest.
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    Police and prison guards
    in Cambodia, for example,
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    have been documented
    subjecting sex workers
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    to what can only be described as torture:
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    threats at gunpoint,
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    beatings, electric shocks, rape
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    and denial of food.
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    Another worrying thing:
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    if you're selling sex in places
    like Kenya, South Africa or New York,
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    a police officer can arrest you
    if you're caught carrying condoms,
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    because condoms can legally be used
    as evidence that you're selling sex.
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    Obviously, this increases HIV risk.
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    Imagine knowing if you're busted
    carrying condoms,
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    it'll be used against you.
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    It's a pretty strong incentive
    to leave them at home, right?
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    Sex workers working in these places
    are forced to make a tough choice
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    between risking arrest
    or having risky sex.
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    What would you choose?
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    Would you pack condoms to go to work?
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    How about if you're worried
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    the police officer would rape you
    when he got you in the van?
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    The second approach to regulating
    sex work seen in these countries
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    is partial criminalization,
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    where the buying and selling
    of sex are legal,
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    but surrounding activities,
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    like brothel-keeping or soliciting
    on the street, are banned.
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    Laws like these --
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    we have them in the UK and in France --
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    essentially say to us sex workers,
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    "Hey, we don't mind you selling sex,
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    just make sure it's done
    behind closed doors
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    and all alone."
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    And brothel-keeping, by the way,
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    is defined as just two or more
    sex workers working together.
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    Making that illegal means
    that many of us work alone,
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    which obviously makes us
    vulnerable to violent offenders.
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    But we're also vulnerable
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    if we choose to break the law
    by working together.
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    A couple of years ago,
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    a friend of mine was nervous
    after she was attacked at work,
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    so I said that she could see her clients
    from my place for a while.
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    During that time,
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    we had another guy turn nasty.
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    I told the guy to leave
    or I'd call the police.
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    And he looked at the two of us and said,
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    "You girls can't call the cops.
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    You're working together,
    this place is illegal."
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    He was right.
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    He eventually left
    without getting physically violent,
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    but the knowledge
    that we were breaking the law
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    empowered that man to threaten us.
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    He felt confident he'd get away with it.
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    The prohibition of street prostitution
    also causes more harm
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    than it prevents.
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    Firstly, to avoid getting arrested,
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    street workers take risks
    to avoid detection,
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    and that means working alone
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    or in isolated locations like dark forests
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    where they're vulnerable to attack.
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    If you're caught selling sex outdoors,
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    you pay a fine.
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    How do you pay that fine
    without going back to the streets?
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    It was the need for money
    that saw you in the streets
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    in the first place.
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    And so the fines stack up,
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    and you're caught in a vicious cycle
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    of selling sex to pay the fines
    you got for selling sex.
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    Let me tell you about Mariana Popa
    who worked in Redbridge, East London.
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    The street workers on her patch
    would normally wait for clients in groups
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    for safety in numbers
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    and to warn each other about how
    to avoid dangerous guys.
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    But during a police crackdown
    on sex workers and their clients,
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    she was forced to work alone
    to avoid being arrested.
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    She was stabbed to death
    in the early hours of October 29, 2013.
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    She had been working later than usual
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    to try to pay off a fine
    she had received for soliciting.
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    So if criminalizing
    sex workers hurts them,
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    why not just criminalize
    the people who buy sex?
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    This is the aim of the third approach
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    I want to talk about --
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    the Swedish or Nordic
    model of sex-work law.
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    The idea behind this law
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    is that selling sex
    is intrinsically harmful
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    and so you're, in fact, helping
    sex workers by removing the option.
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    Despite growing support
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    for what's often described
    as the "end demand" approach,
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    there's no evidence that it works.
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    There's just as much prostitution
    in Sweden as there was before.
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    Why might that be?
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    It's because people selling sex
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    often don't have other options for income.
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    If you need that money,
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    the only effect that a drop
    in business is going have
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    is to force you to lower your prices
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    or offer more risky sexual services.
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    If you need to find more clients,
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    you might seek the help of a manager.
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    So you see, rather than putting a stop
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    to what's often descried as pimping,
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    a law like this actually gives oxygen
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    to potentially abusive third parties.
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    To keep safe in my work,
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    I try not to take bookings from someone
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    who calls me from a withheld number.
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    If it's a home or a hotel visit,
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    I try to get a full name and details.
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    If I worked under the Swedish model,
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    a client would be too scared
    to give me that information.
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    I might have no other choice
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    but to accept a booking
    from a man who is untraceable
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    if he later turns out to be violent.
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    If you need their money,
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    you need to protect
    your clients from the police.
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    If you work outdoors,
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    that means working alone
    or in isolated locations,
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    just as if you were criminalized yourself.
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    It might mean getting into cars quicker,
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    less negotiating time
    means snap decisions.
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    Is this guy dangerous or just nervous?
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    Can you afford to take the risk?
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    Can you afford not to?
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    Something I'm often hearing is,
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    "Prostitution would be fine
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    if we made it legal and regulated it."
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    We call that approach legalization,
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    and it's used by countries
    like the Netherlands, Germany
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    and Nevada in the US.
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    But it's not a great
    model for human rights.
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    And in state-controlled prostitution,
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    commercial sex can only happen
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    in certain legally-designated
    areas or venues,
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    and sex workers are made to comply
    with special restrictions,
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    like registration
    and forced health checks.
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    Regulation sounds great on paper,
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    but politicians deliberately make
    regulation around the sex industry
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    expensive and difficult to comply with.
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    It creates a two-tiered system:
    legal and illegal work.
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    We sometimes call it
    "backdoor criminalization."
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    Rich, well-connected brothel owners
    can comply with the regulations,
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    but more marginalized people
    find those hoops
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    impossible to jump through.
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    And even if it's possible in principle,
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    getting a license or proper venue
    takes time and costs money.
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    It's not going to be an option
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    for someone who's desperate
    and needs money tonight.
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    They might be a refugee
    or fleeing domestic abuse.
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    In this two-tiered system,
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    the most vulnerable people
    are forced to work illegally,
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    so they're still exposed to all
    the dangers of criminalization
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    I mentioned earlier.
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    It's looking like all attempts to control
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    or prevent sex work from happening
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    makes things more dangerous
    for people selling sex.
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    Fear of law enforcement makes them
    work alone in isolated locations,
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    and allows clients and even cops
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    to get abusive in the knowledge
    they'll get away with it.
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    Fines and criminal records force
    people to keep selling sex,
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    rather than enabling them to stop.
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    Crackdowns on buyers drive sellers
    to take dangerous risks
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    and into the arms
    of potentially abusive managers.
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    These laws also reinforce stigma
    and hatred against sex workers.
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    When France temporarily brought in
    the Swedish model two years ago,
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    ordinary citizens took it as a cue
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    to start carrying out vigilante attacks
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    against people working on the street.
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    In Sweden, opinion surveys show
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    that significantly more people want
    sex workers to be arrested now
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    than before the law was brought in.
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    If prohibition is this harmful,
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    you might ask, why is it so popular?
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    Firstly, sex work is and always
    has been a survival strategy
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    for all kinds of unpopular
    minority groups:
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    people of color,
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    migrants,
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    people with disabilities,
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    LGBTQ people,
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    particularly trans women.
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    These are the groups most heavily profiled
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    and punished through prohibitionist law.
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    I don't think this is an accident.
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    These laws have political support
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    precisely because they target people
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    that voters don't want
    to see or know about.
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    Why else might people support prohibition?
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    Well, lots of people have
    understandable fears about trafficking.
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    Folks think that foreign women
    kidnapped and sold into sexual slavery
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    can be saved by shutting
    a whole industry down.
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    So let's talk about trafficking.
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    Forced labor does occur
    in many industries,
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    especially those where the workers
    are migrants or otherwise vulnerable,
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    and this needs to be addressed.
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    But it's best addressed with legislation
    targeting those specific abuses,
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    not an entire industry.
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    When 23 undocumented Chinese migrants
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    drowned while picking cockles
    in Morecambe Bay in 2004,
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    there were no calls to outlaw
    the entire seafood industry
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    to save trafficking victims.
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    The solution is clearly to give
    workers more legal protections,
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    allowing them to resist abuse
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    and report it to authorities
    without fear of arrest.
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    The way the term trafficking
    is thrown around
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    implies that all undocumented
    migration into prostitution is forced.
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    In fact, many migrants
    have made a decision,
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    out of economic need,
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    to place themselves into the hands
    of people smugglers.
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    Many do this with the full knowledge
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    that they'll be selling sex
    when they reach their destination.
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    And yes, it can often be the case
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    that these people smugglers
    demand exorbitant fees,
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    coerce migrants into work
    they don't want to do
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    and abuse them when they're vulnerable.
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    That's true of prostitution,
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    but it's also true of agricultural work,
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    hospitality work and domestic work.
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    Ultimately, nobody wants
    to be forced to do any kind of work,
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    but that's a risk many migrants
    are willing to take,
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    because of what they're leaving behind.
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    If people were allowed to migrate legally
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    they wouldn't have to place their lives
    into the hands of people smugglers.
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    The problems arise
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    from the criminalization of migration,
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    just as they do from the criminalization
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    of sex work itself.
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    This is a lesson of history.
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    If you try to prohibit something
    that people want or need to do,
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    whether that's drinking alcohol
    or crossing borders
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    or getting an abortion
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    or selling sex,
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    you create more problems than you solve.
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    Prohibition barely makes a difference
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    to the amount of people
    actually doing those things.
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    But it makes a huge difference
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    as to whether or not
    they're safe when they do them.
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    Why else might people support prohibition?
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    As a feminist, I know
    that the sex industry is a site
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    of deeply entrenched social inequality.
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    It's a fact that most buyers of sex
    are men with money,
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    and most sellers are women without.
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    You can agree with all that -- I do --
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    and still think prohibition
    is a terrible policy.
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    In a better, more equal world,
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    maybe there would be far fewer
    people selling sex to survive,
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    but you can't simply legislate
    a better world into existence.
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    If someone needs to sell sex
    because they're poor
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    or because they're homeless
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    or because they're undocumented
    and they can't find legal work,
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    taking away that option
    doesn't make them any less poor
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    or house them
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    or change their immigration status.
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    People worry that selling
    sex is degrading.
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    Ask yourself: is it more degrading
    than going hungry
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    or seeing your children go hungry?
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    There's no call to ban rich people
    from hiring nannies
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    or getting manicures,
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    even though most of the people
    doing that labor are poor, migrant women.
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    It's the fact of poor migrant women
    selling sex specifically
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    that has some feminists uncomfortable.
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    And I can understand
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    why the sex industry provokes
    strong feelings.
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    People have all kinds
    of complicated feelings
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    when it comes to sex.
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    But we can't make policy
    on the basis of mere feelings,
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    especially not over
    the heads of the people
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    actually effected by those policies.
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    If we get fixated on
    the abolition of sex work,
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    we end up worrying more
    about a particular manifestation
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    of gender inequality,
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    rather than about the underlying causes.
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    People get really hung up on the question,
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    "Well, would you want
    your daughter doing it?"
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    That's the wrong question.
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    Instead, imagine she is doing it.
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    How safe is she at work tonight?
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    Why isn't she safer?
  • 14:14 - 14:17
    So we've looked at full criminalization,
  • 14:17 - 14:20
    partial criminalization,
    the Swedish or Nordic Model
  • 14:20 - 14:21
    and legalization,
  • 14:21 - 14:23
    and how they all cause harm.
  • 14:23 - 14:26
    Something I never hear asked is:
  • 14:26 - 14:28
    "What do sex workers want?"
  • 14:29 - 14:32
    After all, we're the ones
    most affected by these laws.
  • 14:33 - 14:35
    New Zealand decriminalized
    sex work in 2003.
  • 14:36 - 14:38
    It's crucial to remember
  • 14:38 - 14:41
    that decriminalization and legalization
    are not the same thing.
  • 14:41 - 14:44
    Decriminalization means
    the removal of laws
  • 14:44 - 14:46
    that punitively target the sex industry,
  • 14:46 - 14:50
    instead treating sex work
    much like any other kind of work.
  • 14:50 - 14:53
    In New Zealand, people
    can work together for safety,
  • 14:53 - 14:55
    and employers of sex workers
    are accountable to the state.
  • 14:55 - 14:58
    A sex worker can refuse
    to see a client at any time,
  • 14:58 - 15:00
    for any reason,
  • 15:00 - 15:02
    and 96 percent of street workers
  • 15:02 - 15:05
    report that they feel the law
    protects their rights.
  • 15:05 - 15:07
    New Zealand hasn't actually
    seen an increase
  • 15:07 - 15:10
    in the amount of people doing sex work,
  • 15:10 - 15:12
    but decriminalizing it
    has made it a lot safer.
  • 15:13 - 15:14
    But the lesson from New Zealand
  • 15:14 - 15:17
    isn't just that its particular
    legislation is good,
  • 15:17 - 15:18
    but that crucially,
  • 15:18 - 15:20
    it was written in collaboration
    with sex workers;
  • 15:20 - 15:23
    namely, the New Zealand
    Prostitutes' Collective.
  • 15:23 - 15:25
    When it came to making sex work safer,
  • 15:25 - 15:28
    they were ready to hear it straight
    from sex workers themselves.
  • 15:29 - 15:30
    Here in the UK,
  • 15:30 - 15:33
    I'm part of sex worker-led groups
    like the Sex Worker Open University
  • 15:33 - 15:35
    and the English Collective of Prostitutes.
  • 15:35 - 15:37
    And we form part of a global movement
  • 15:37 - 15:41
    demanding decriminalization
    and self-determination.
  • 15:41 - 15:44
    The universal symbol of our movement
    is the red umbrella.
  • 15:45 - 15:48
    We're supported in our demands
    by global bodies like UNAIDS,
  • 15:48 - 15:49
    the World Health Organization
  • 15:49 - 15:51
    and Amnesty International.
  • 15:51 - 15:53
    But we need more allies.
  • 15:53 - 15:56
    If you care about gender equality
  • 15:56 - 15:58
    or poverty or migration or public health,
  • 15:58 - 16:01
    then sex worker rights matter to you.
  • 16:01 - 16:03
    Make space for us in your movements.
  • 16:04 - 16:07
    That means not only listening
    to sex workers when we speak
  • 16:07 - 16:09
    but amplifying our voices.
  • 16:09 - 16:11
    Resist those who silence us,
  • 16:11 - 16:15
    those who say that a prostitute
    is either too victimized,
  • 16:15 - 16:17
    too damaged to know
    what's best for herself,
  • 16:17 - 16:19
    or else too privileged
  • 16:19 - 16:21
    and too removed from real hardship,
  • 16:21 - 16:25
    not representative of the millions
    of voiceless victims.
  • 16:26 - 16:31
    This distinction between victim
    and empowered is imaginary.
  • 16:31 - 16:33
    It exists purely to discredit sex workers
  • 16:33 - 16:35
    and make it easy to ignore us.
  • 16:36 - 16:38
    No doubt many of you work for a living.
  • 16:39 - 16:40
    Well, sex work is work, too.
  • 16:41 - 16:42
    Just like you,
  • 16:42 - 16:44
    some of us like our jobs,
  • 16:44 - 16:45
    some of us hate them.
  • 16:46 - 16:49
    Ultimately, most of us
    have mixed feelings.
  • 16:49 - 16:52
    But how we feel about our work
  • 16:53 - 16:54
    isn't the point.
  • 16:55 - 16:58
    And how others feel
    about our work certainly isn't.
  • 16:58 - 17:01
    What's important is that we have
    the right to work safely
  • 17:01 - 17:03
    and on our own terms.
  • 17:03 - 17:04
    Sex workers are real people.
  • 17:05 - 17:07
    We've had complicated experiences
  • 17:08 - 17:11
    and complicated responses
    to those experiences.
  • 17:12 - 17:15
    But our demands are not complicated.
  • 17:15 - 17:17
    You can ask expensive
    escorts in New York City,
  • 17:17 - 17:20
    brothel workers in Cambodia,
    street workers in South Africa
  • 17:20 - 17:23
    and every girl on the roster
    at my old job in Soho,
  • 17:23 - 17:26
    and they will all tell you the same thing.
  • 17:26 - 17:28
    You can speak to millions of sex workers
  • 17:28 - 17:31
    and countless sex work-led organizations.
  • 17:31 - 17:35
    We want full decriminalization
    and labor rights as workers.
  • 17:35 - 17:37
    I'm just one sex worker
    on the stage today,
  • 17:37 - 17:40
    but I'm bringing a message
    from all over the world.
  • 17:40 - 17:41
    Thank you.
  • 17:41 - 17:48
    (Applause)
Title:
The laws that sex workers really want | Toni Mac | TEDxEastEnd
Description:

Everyone has an opinion about how to legislate sex work (whether to legalize it, ban it or even tax it) ... but what do workers themselves think would work best? Activist Toni Mac explains four legal models that are being used around the world and shows us the model that she believes will work best to keep sex workers safe and offer greater self-determination. "If you care about gender equality or poverty or migration or public health, then sex worker rights matter to you," she says. "Make space for us in your movements." (Adult themes)

This talk was given at a TEDx event using the TED conference format but independently organized by a local community. Learn more at http://ted.com/tedx

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Video Language:
English
Team:
closed TED
Project:
TEDxTalks
Duration:
18:01

English subtitles

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