Speaker: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen,
history is more than the path left by the past.
It influences the present and can shape the future.
We meet today in Westminster Hall,
a building begun 900 years ago when the Vikings were visiting
the shores of what would become the United States,
even if it was Columbus who would subsequently demonstrate
the politician's art of arriving late,
but claiming all the credit.
(laughter)
This hall has witnessed grim trials in the sentencing to
death of a king, coronation banquets, ceremonial addresses,
and the coffins of those receiving the last respects of
our people.
Few places reach so far into the heart of our nation.
Yet until today, no American president has stood on these
steps to address our country's Parliament.
It is my honor, Mr. President, to welcome you as our friend and
as a statesman.
Statesmanship is the cement which seals our shared idealism
as nations.
It makes meaningful the unity of ambition, passion for freedom,
and abhorrence of injustice that is the call of our
close alliance.
It has fallen to you to tackle economic turbulence at home,
to protect the health of those without wealth,
and to seek that precious balance between security which
is too often threatened, and human rights which are too
often denied.
History is not the burden of any one man or woman alone.
But some are called to meet a special share of
it's challenges.
It is a duty that you discharge with a dignity, determination,
and distinction that are widely admired.
Abraham Lincoln once observed that nearly all men can
stand adversity.
But if you want to test a man's character, give him power.
Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States
of America, Barack Obama.
(applause)
President Obama: Thank you very much.
(applause)
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
(applause)
Thank you.
(applause)
Thank you so much.
(applause)
My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords,
and members of the House of Commons:
I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address
the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall.
I am told that the last three speakers here have been the
Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela --
which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very
funny joke.
(laughter)
I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest,
one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known.
It's long been said that the United States and the United
Kingdom share a special relationship.
And since we also share an especially active press corps,
that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed
for the slightest hint of stress or strain.
Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs.
Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape
about tea and taxes.
(laughter)
There may also have been some hurt feelings when the
White House was set on fire during the War of 1812.
(laughter)
But fortunately, it's been smooth sailing ever since.
The reason for this close friendship doesn't just have
to do with our shared history, our shared heritage;
our ties of language and culture;
or even the strong partnership between our governments.
Our relationship is special because of the values and
beliefs that have united our people through the ages.
Centuries ago, when kings, emperors,
and warlords reigned over much of the world,
it was the English who first spelled out the rights and
liberties of man in the Magna Carta.
It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first
developed, courts were established,
disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition
their leaders.
Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and
sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their
freedom from the crown.
Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment,
they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights,
and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that's
gathered here today.
What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the
continent of Europe and across the world.
But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions
of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists
on the other side of the Atlantic.
As Winston Churchill said, the "...Magna Carta,
the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury,
and English common law find their most famous expression in
the American Declaration of Independence."
For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in
these founding documents has sometimes been difficult,
has always been a work in progress.
The path has never been perfect.
But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants,
women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted
religions, we have learned better than most that the
longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or
American or Western -- it is universal,
and it beats in every heart.
Perhaps that's why there are few nations that stand firmer,
speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values
around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.
We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold,
who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march
of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war.
And with the founding of NATO -- a British idea --
we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our
security for over half a century.
Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace
from a cold war.
When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include
the nations of Central and Eastern Europe,
and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the
Soviet Union.
And when there was strife in the Balkans,
we worked together to keep the peace.
Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in
recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment
once more.
A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is
now stable and recovering.
After years of conflict, the United States has removed
100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its
forces, and our combat mission there has ended.
In Afghanistan, we've broken the Taliban's momentum and will soon
begin a transition to Afghan lead.
And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist
networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader
-- Osama bin Laden.
Together, we have met great challenges.
But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history,
profound challenges stretch out before us.
In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now
inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to
ensure the growth and stability of the global economy.
As new threats spread across borders and oceans,
we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread
of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat
famine and disease.
And as a revolution races through the streets of the
Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake
in the aspirations of a generation that longs to
determine its own destiny.
These challenges come at a time when the international order has
already been reshaped for a new century.
Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by
leaps and bounds.
We should welcome this development,
for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around
the globe, and created new markets and opportunities
for our own nations.
And yet, as this rapid change has taken place,
it's become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the
rise of these nations will accompany the decline of
American and European influence around the world.
Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the
future, and the time for our leadership has passed.
That argument is wrong.
The time for our leadership is now.
It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our
democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could
emerge and individuals could thrive.
And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global
leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal
of a century that is more peaceful,
more prosperous and more just.
At a time when threats and challenges require nations
to work in concert with one another,
we remain the greatest catalysts for global action.
In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and
information, it is our free market tradition, our openness,
fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens,
that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both
strong and shared.
As millions are still denied their basic human rights because
of who they are, or what they believe,
or the kind of government that they live under,
we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of
tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity.
Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to stand still.
The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times.
As I said the first time I came to London as President,
for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and
Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems
over a glass of brandy -- although I'm sure that Prime
Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both
use a stiff drink.
(laughter)
In this century, our joint leadership will require
building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances,
and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.
That begins with our economic leadership.
Adam Smith's central insight remains true today: There is no
greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free
enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual
men and women.
That's what led to the Industrial Revolution that began
in the factories of Manchester.
That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose
from the office parks of Silicon Valley.
That's why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so
rapidly -- because in fits and starts,
they are moving toward market-based principles that
the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.
In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely
of our own making.
And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries
favors countries that are free-thinking and
forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative
and entrepreneurial citizens.
That gives nations like the United States and the United
Kingdom an inherent advantage.
For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein,
from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our
commitment to science and cutting-edge research,
the discovery of new medicines and technologies.
We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best
colleges and universities on Earth.
But to maintain this advantage in a world that's more
competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments
in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments
to educating our workforces.
We've also been reminded in the last few years that markets can
sometimes fail.
In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory
frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards
to protect the banking system after the Great Depression,
for example; regulations that were established to prevent the
pollution of our air and our water during the 1970s.
But in today's economy, such threats of market failure can
no longer be contained within the borders of any one country.
Market failures can go global, and go viral,
and demand international responses.
A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly
every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums
like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to
prevent future excesses and abuse.
No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution,
which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen
and Cancun to leave our children a planet that
is safer and cleaner.
Moreover, even when the free market works as it should,
both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly
we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck,
a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us.
And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself
in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure
of security -- health care if you get sick,
unemployment insurance if you lose your job,
a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work.
That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our
leadership in the world.
And now, having come through a terrible recession,
our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that
we're not consuming -- and hence consumed -- with a level of debt
that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies.
And that will require difficult choices and it will require
different paths for both of our countries.
But we have faced such challenges before,
and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal
responsibility with the responsibilities we have
to one another.
And I believe we can do this again.
As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can
serve as an example for emerging economies -- that it's possible
to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not
from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces,
and from the investments it makes in its people
and its infrastructure.
And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of
our citizens, so we must safeguard their security.
Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world.
Hitler's armies would not have stopped their killing had we not
fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds,
in the fields and on the streets.
We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our
victory in that terrible war.
It was won through the courage and character of our people.
Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden,
we know well the cost of war.
And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough
to defend this continent while deterring our enemies.
At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article
Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own;
that allies will stand by one another, always.
And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful
alliance in human history.
Today, we confront a different enemy.
Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and
in London.
And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West,
we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims --
men, women and children -- around the globe.
Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam.
Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and
its extremist allies.
In that effort, we will not relent,
as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned.
And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war,
we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard
-- by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process
that we so ardently defend.
For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of
these efforts.
Throughout those years, you, the British people,
have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by
our side.
Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who
have served and sacrificed over the last several years -- for
they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne
the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy.
Because of them, we have broken the Taliban's momentum.
Because of them, we have built the capacity of
Afghan security forces.
And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in
Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead.
And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with
those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan
constitution and lay down arms.
And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe
haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong,
sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.
Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to
a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed
to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy,
cyber attacks and ballistic missiles.
But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original
vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action
for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader
belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations
have both rights and responsibilities,
and all nations share a common interest in an international
architecture that maintains the peace.
We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of
nuclear weapons.
Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials
so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because
of our leadership.
From North Korea to Iran, we've sent a message that those who
flaunt their obligations will face consequences -- which is
why America and the European Union just recently strengthened
our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership
of the United Kingdom and the United States.
And while we hold others to account,
we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation
Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.
We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong
human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder.
In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths,
we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of
violence and choose the path of peace.
And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a
secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.
And we share a common interest in development that advances
dignity and security.
To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look
at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity.
Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed
our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed
themselves, the doctors who care for the sick.
We should support countries that confront corruption,
and allow their people to innovate.
And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they
allow women and girls to reach their full potential.
We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights
of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens.
That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against
fascism and our twilight struggle against communism.
And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle
East and North Africa.
In country after country, people are mobilizing to
free themselves from the grip of an iron fist.
And while these movements for change are just six months old,
we have seen them play out before -- from Eastern Europe
to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.
History tells us that democracy is not easy.
It will be years before these revolutions reach their
conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way.
Power rarely gives up without a fight -- particularly in places
where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect.
We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -- from the
extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority
rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this
continent in the 20th century.
But make no mistake: What we saw,
what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square,
is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for
granted here at home.
It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of
the world don't want to be free, or need to have democracy
imposed upon them.
It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda,
which smothers the rights of individuals,
and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty
and violence.
Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom
stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free.
And now, we must show that we will back up those words
with deeds.
That means investing in the future of those nations that
transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt
-- by deepening ties of trade and commerce;
by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity.
And that means standing up for universal rights
-- by sanctioning those who pursue repression,
strengthening civil society, supporting
the rights of minorities.
We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and
mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa
-- a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past.
For years, we've faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do
not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse.
And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes,
we have enduring interests in the region -- to fight terror,
sometimes with partners who may not be perfect;
to protect against disruptions of the world's energy supply.
But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice
between our interests and our ideals;
between stability and democracy.
For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -- that
repression offers only the false promise of stability,
that societies are more successful when their citizens
are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.
It is that truth that guides our action in Libya.
It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya
to say that none of this was our business -- that a nation's
sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians
within its borders.
That argument carries weight with some.
But we are different.
We embrace a broader responsibility.
And while we cannot stop every injustice,
there are circumstances that cut through our caution -- when a
leader is threatening to massacre his people,
and the international community is calling for action.
That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya.
And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected
and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.
We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot
dictate every outcome abroad.
Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves,
not imposed from without.
But we can and must stand with those who so struggle.
Because we have always believed that the future of our children
and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and
grandchildren are more prosperous and more free
-- from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi.
That is our interests and our ideals.
And if we fail to meet that responsibility,
who would take our place, and what kind of world would
we pass on?
Our action -- our leadership -- is essential to the cause
of human dignity.
And so we must act -- and lead --
with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the
character of our people, who sent us all here today.
For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United
States and the United Kingdom indispensable
to this moment in history.
And that is how we define ourselves as nations.
Unlike most countries in the world,
we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity.
Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain
group; it's about believing in a certain set of ideals --
the rights of individuals, the rule of law.
That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders.
That's why there are people around the world right now
who believe that if they come to America,
if they come to New York, if they come to London,
if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag
and call themselves Americans; if they come to England,
they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God
Save The Queen just like any other citizen.
Yes, our diversity can lead to tension.
And throughout our history there have been heated debates about
immigration and assimilation in both of our countries.
But even as these debates can be difficult,
we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an
enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow
smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations
says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals,
instead of divided by their differences;
that it's possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass;
that it's possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies
to sit here as members of this great Parliament,
and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the
British Army to stand before you as President
of the United States.
(applause)
That is what defines us.
That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus
and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy,
even if they sometimes differ with our policies.
As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the
world, we must always remember that the true source of our
influence hasn't just been the size of our economies,
or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we've claimed.
It has been the values that we must never waver in defending
around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed
by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.
That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond
made manifest by the friendship between two
of our greatest leaders.
Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences.
They were keen observers of each other's blind spots and
shortcomings, if not always their own,
and they were hard-headed about their ability to
remake the world.
But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular
moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on
the battlefield.
It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human
freedom and human dignity -- a conviction that we have a say
in how this story ends.
This conviction lives on in their people today.
The challenges we face are great.
The work before us is hard.
But we have come through a difficult decade,
and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big
or too many, let us turn to their example,
and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was
freed: "In the long years to come,
not only will the people of this island but...the world, wherever
the bird of freedom chirps in the human heart,
look back to what we've done, and they will say 'do not
despair, do not yield... march straightforward.'"
With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope,
with faith in the promise of tomorrow,
let us march straightforward together,
enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful,
more prosperous, and more just.
Thank you very much.
(applause)
Speaker: Mr. President, I think that response describes far more
eloquently than any words of mine could do how much that very
memorable and inspiring address was appreciated by everybody who
heard it here today.
You spoke --
(applause)
You spoke with great warmth and great generosity about the
British Parliament and the British people and about the
links that bind us, the values and the traditions
that we share.
The history that we have experienced together.
But more than that, you spoke too not just of the
relationships of the past, but the relationships of the future.
And I think that was what made what you said so inspirational.
It was a distinguished American governor of New York who
remarked on the propensity of politicians to campaign in
poetry, but to govern in prose.
The world you described to us today was not just one that is
prosaic; it was one where the challenges are difficult and
sometimes dangerous.
One that is fast moving, that is complex,
sometimes contradictory.
And that offers at least as many threats as opportunities.
But in the eloquence of your address,
you reminded us of the importance of maintaining the
poetry in government.
Because to lead, that poetry is necessary.
Necessary not only to articulate the challenges,
as you did so masterfully.
But also to bring others together to face those
challenges with common principles and with
shared purpose.
Mr. President, it has been a privilege for all of us to hear
you speak today.
It is a privilege for me to have the responsibility of thanking
you on behalf of both Houses of Parliament,
for coming to Westminster, and to wish you and Mrs. Obama a
very happy and pleasant rest of your stay in the
United Kingdom.
Thank you so much.
(applause)