The world that we inhabit bears the indelible
scars of centuries of colonial violence.

The legacy of this historic violation
lies at the root of many of today’s

most intractable problems.

Colonization is the military, economic,
political and cultural subjugation

of one nation by another.

It is the domination of one people by another.

And there are few places on earth fortunate
enough to have escaped its reach.

For thousands of years,
land has changed hands according to

the aims and whims of conquering armies.

But beginning in the 15th century, the character
and scope of this warfare shifted.

Europe’s genocidal invasion and pillage
of the so-called ‘New World’ was an apocalypse

for the continents’ original inhabitants.

And from the ashes of
these ancient civilizations

arose capitalism and the
modern system of nation states.

Subsequent waves of European expansion saw
the colonization of Australia and New Zealand,

along with large swathes of Africa and Asia.

Some of these colonies were chosen for mass
European settlement, while others were delegated

as sources of hyper-exploited 
labour and resource extraction.

Colonial borders, drawn up by foreign aristocrats
and dignitaries, were agreed upon through

diplomatic treaties and internecine wars.

Many of these arbitrary lines persist to this
day, cutting blindly across tribes and major

ethnic groups, scattering peoples like the
Kurds and Tuaregs over multiple states, and

planting the seeds for bitter sectarian rivalries
and civil wars.

Successive national liberation struggles waged
in the decades following World War II allowed

much of the world to cast off the shackles
of the old colonial arrangement.

Yet in case after case, national aspirations
for self-determination have been thwarted

by the emergence of a new neo-colonial ruling
class, whose members remain subservient to

the imperial systems of global finance controlled
by the colonial masters of yesteryear.

That is not to say that older forms of colonialism
have disappeared, or that the flames of

anti-colonial revolt have died out.

Over the next thirty minutes, we’ll take
a closer look at two such sites of active

settler colonialism and anti-colonial resistance:
namely, the areas around the Great Lakes region

that make up the historic homeland of the
Six Nations of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,

and the militarily-occupied 
territories of Palestine.

Along the way, we’ll talk to a number of
individuals as they share their own experiences

of navigating colonial dynamics, fighting
for self-determination...

and making a whole lot of trouble.

Indians, Natives, Aboriginal... there’s
so many different terms that people use

just to address who we are.

But I feel that we need to address ourselves
the way we believe we should be addressed.

And for me, I say I’m Kanienʼkehá꞉ka.

I’m not Mohawk.

I’m not an Indian.

I’m not an aboriginal.

Y’know... these are all different terms
that have come after.

These terms decolonization and anti-colonial,
I had to google them

because I don’t use those terms a lot.

We have no English terms 
to use but what’s there.

But in our own language 
we have all the words that we need.

How to explain it to someone who doesn’t
have the language is what gets difficult.

Decolonization has become such a buzzword
used by a variety of organizations, institutions...

I mean, the federal government 
is using the word.

And it certainly has been watered down in
the context of universities and academics

clinging to this buzzword.

But in reality, decolonization is a very 
unsettling and disruptive force.

And so when I think about what that means
to me, and how I should relate to it as

a non-Indigenous anarchist, 
I don’t have any straight-forward answers.

I have some reflections.

They’re always changing.

Decolonization is a very large 
and complex issue for me.

It involves decolonizing the way we think.

The way that we’re sort of 
wired to experience reality,

and the ideologies in which we’re saturated.

And taking steps to rectify the wrongs 
that were done, so that we can have

a just and equal society.

And a rich society, a diverse society, 
and a society that benefits

from the wisdom of Indigenous cultures.

For Palestinians that means the Israeli occupation
that started in 1948 should be stopped,

and the Palestinian people should have 
their own rights for freedom, justice

and control of themselves.

Like all nations in the world.

Fundamentally, the Arab world lives in the
aftermath of the colonial project.

The reason why these states are there 
is because of colonialism.

The borders were drawn up not by the people
who live there, but by Sykes-Picot.

By the British and the French.

There would be no Israel without colonialism.

It is a western colony in the Arab world.

Just like Apartheid South Africa 
was a western colony in Africa.

Europe treats Israel as a European 
colony in the Middle East.

So in terms of the trade agreements that give
it preferable conditions in trading.

Y’know, the arms that are 
being bought and sold.

Europeans are partners in the Zionist project.

And they are responsible.

When the west sees Israel, they see themselves.

And when the United States sees Israel, 
they certainly see themselves.

It’s a state where western white people
came in and threw the native population

off the land — it’s a little baby America.

Rectifying the wrongs of the colonization
of Palestine would first of all involve the

return of the Palestinian refugees and reparations
for the suffering from being ethnically cleansed

from their homeland.

Palestinians, when they were forced 
to emigrate from here as refugees,

there were 800,000 at that time.

It will become around 8,000,000 now, after
seventy or eighty years of occupation.

When we’re talking about colonialism 
in relation to the Canadian settler-colonial state,

I think it’s important to understand
that the state is not a completed political

and economic entity.

In fact, the Canadian state 
is quite weak and vulnerable.

What you need to understand is 
that if you look at each reservation,

where we are, 
you need to poke a hole in that map.

Because we’re not a part of Canada, 
and we’re not a part of the United States.

The Mohawk people are a nation.

The whole Haudenosaunee 
Confederacy are all nations.

So what the United States and Canada wanna
be is they wanna be a nation.

They wanna be like the Mohawks and the Seneca.

When they came on their ship, they brought
that government and those ideologies with them.

They didn’t start nothing new.

They didn’t make up their own language.

They didn’t make up their own 
government here.

They copied ours and brought theirs with them.

So they can’t say that 
they’re their own nation.

They have no idea what it is to actually listen
to us, and to listen to the reasons why

this land is so important to us.

They’ll never know.

Because they don’t even want to 
hear what we have to say.

To them, it’s like it’s all about money.

“Who the fuck gives a shit about 
what these Indians want with the land?”

This is their attitude.

Y’know, it’s like 
“Oh, sit down and negotiate.”

Sit down and negotiate.

What negotiations?

You sit down and it’s all of what they want,
and everything that we come back with

— the importance of our culture, our land 
...it don’t mean fuck all to them.

It doesn’t mean a thing to them.

Human history is a steady stream of 
massacres and bloodshed.

But when it comes to scope and scale 
of atrocities, nothing compares to

the colonization of the so-called Americas.

What is now tacitly acknowledged as a genocide
against the continents’ original inhabitants,

was in fact a series of dozens, if not hundreds
of different genocides carried out against

distinct nations by Spanish, Portuguese, French
and British armies, who were aided in this

task by the copious and often deliberate spread
of European-borne diseases.

While there’s no single definitive figure,
most historians estimate that between

50 and 112 million Indigenous people 
were killed during the invasion and settlement

of the so-called Americas, 
or nearly 95% of the local population.

Many nations were entirely wiped out.

There’s also no recorded figure for the
number of Africans killed during the four

centuries of the transatlantic slave trade,
but most estimates range from 14 to 60 million.

This includes an estimated two million people
that died on slave ships,

only to be unceremoniously dumped into the ocean.

The echoes of these crimes continue 
to reverberate to this day.

In the Great Lakes region of so-called North
America, Dutch, French and British colonizers

first encountered the Haudenosaunee Confederacy,
a powerful alliance of five indigenous nations:

the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca
– with a sixth nation, the Tuscarora,

joining in 1722.

These settlers were fascinated by the Haudenosaunee’s
system of governance, which was much more

sophisticated than any found 
during that time in Europe.

So much so, that many of its principles eventually
found their way into the US Constitution.

Yet despite signing treaties of mutual respect
and co-existence with the Haudenosaunee, most

notably the Two-Row Wampum, or Guswhenta,
settler populations in the territories now

ruled by the American and Canadians states
have repeatedly failed to live up to their obligations.

This has been the source of sustained tensions,
and several stand-offs that have galvanized

Indigenous anti-colonial resistance 
across Turtle Island.

I grew up seeing land struggles and struggles
about land and being involved in it as a child.

My mother’s family were very, very involved
in a lot of political struggles away from

the band council system.

I grew up hearing stories from my aunt and
everybody about everything that happened.

Whenever I really started to get passionate
about everything, I was like 16.

But, I got pregnant so that’s 
what put that off to the side.

Ten years down the road, I’m in a place
in my life when I can actually do something

and that’s what brought me together with
some like-minded people.

We’re not following band council, we’re not
following Canada, and we’re not following Quebec.

We’re following our own rights as 
indigenous people, as native people,

as Kanienʼkehá꞉ka people.

We don’t all agree on everything, but at
the same time we bring our strengths together.

And we’re taking back our land.

The mayor of Oka came and brought this proposal
and said they wanna expand the golf course

into the pine forest where right at the line
of where the golf club ends and the pine forest

begins, we have a graveyard there of graves
that have been there for hundreds of years.

And the pine forest is like, thousands of
years old, I mean the pines are huge.

The native people in Kanehsatake said “No.

You’re not building a golf course and tearing
up our graveyard and cutting down all the pines."

The answer was no immediately.

And that’s what sparked everything.

I didn’t go to the meetings in the beginning
but by May, I jumped in a car with a bunch

of ladies and we all took off 
and went to Kanehsatake.

In my early twenties I was trying to give
my son at the time who was just only like

2-3 years old a better example 
of what a role-model that I could be.

That time came to stand there and say “I’m
gonna be part of this because now I’m a

woman, I’m not a child 
where my mother had to just bring me.”

We can’t stop fighting for this because
land is like, one of the most important things

to native people.

How do you practice a culture 
when you don’t have a land base?

How do your survive a culture 
when you don’t have a land base?

This is what we used to teach 
our children and our people.

It was just a regular day.

It was like really early in the morning, 
people weren’t even really awake yet.

There was a few people puttering around or
whatever you know, either fixing a fire or

making coffee or doing something you know
not everyone was awake at the time.

And then, all I remember the women telling
me is that they just heard cars and car doors

and then they looked up towards the highway,
because they were in the pines,

and they looked up towards the highway.

It was just SQ cars.

Just kept pulling up, 
pulling up, pulling up, pulling up.

And then they just started getting out of
the cars fully dressed with all their bulletproof

vests and their assault rifles.

The women just looked and they were like 
“what the fuck is going on?”

And then they just decided to run to the front
and they all locked arms and they stood across

the dirt road that came into the pines, and
the police were telling them “you have to

get out, you have to leave.”

And they said “we’re not leaving.

We’re not going anywhere.

We’re staying right here, this is our land
we’re not leaving.”

And of course they didn’t listen to them
you know, they just started throwing tear

gas and I think that’s 
when all hell broke loose.

Reporter: I don’t know 
if you can hear any of that.

News Anchor: Yes.

It sounds like shots.

Reporter: Uhh they launched, I don’t know, 
about half a dozen or a dozen canisters of tear gas.

There’s smoke.

Anchor: Ivan, as much as you can see 
are the warriors pulling back now?

Reporter: Oh, uhm, everybody was.

I mean we’re cars, we’re moving tents,
we’re moving people.

Uh reporters are-

News Anchor: Are those shots?

Ivan?

Hello?

It was a bloody day at the Mohawk Indian 
community in Oka, Quebec near Montreal.

Provincial police in riot gear stormed the
barricades the Mohawks had set up.

There were clouds of tear gas, 
a hail of bullets,

and in the midst of the battle
a policeman was killed.

For us as Ongwehonweh, or native people that
have already been here.

We have a culture, we have a way of life,
and we have a connection.

And all of that is a combination of what we
stand for and how we stand up for our beliefs.

And going as far as having a physical confrontation
with police forces, Swat teams, Army,

we’ve done it.
And succeeded.

You got other people trying to say there’s
no place for the warriors or no place for

weapons and we’re all peaceful forever.

That’s not how it’s supposed to be.

We’re not here to kill people.

We’re here to protect our land, we’re
here to protect ourselves and that’s always,

always the goal.

If it comes to those extreme cases like in
1990, of course people are gonna have weapons.

But the weapons are not to be used.

This is our understanding that 
we have in our culture.

We’re not there to hurt, we’re not there
to kill anybody.

In my belief, I’m traditional, 
and that’s all there is to it.

But, what comes with being traditional?

It comes with the political aspects and it
comes with the ceremonial aspects

so we have to take care of both.

Practising sovereignty 
is not holding a band card.

It doesn’t mean anything, it means that
you have a number form the government to say

that you’re registered 
and you’re on their list.

Practising sovereignty is practising your
culture, your beliefs and you’re standing

up for what you believe in.

There are few geopolitical conflicts more
intractable than the decades-long struggle

for the establishment of a Palestinian homeland
in the areas claimed by the Israeli state.

The fertile lands between the Jordan River
and the Mediterranean, have been fought over

for thousands of years.

Their capital, Jerusalem, is considered holy
by all three Abrahamic religions

– Islam, Christianity and Judaism.

Zionism, an ideological movement based around
the imagined return of Jews to their biblical

homeland, Israel, began to 
pick up steam in the early 20th century.

It was seen at the time as a potential solution
to the centuries of anti-semitic persecution

the Jewish people had faced 
at the hands of European Christians.

Following the horrors of the Holocaust, in
which two-thirds of European Jews were killed,

support within the colonial ruling classes
swung behind the establishment

of a Jewish homeland.

But rather than establish it within the restructured
borders of Europe, the Zionist movement was

granted a sliver of the Arab World, in an
area the Ancient Greeks referred to as Palestina.

Since then, the Israeli state has methodically
expanded its borders, while tightening restrictions

on its internal Arab population.

Under the unquestioned protection of the Trump
regime, they have largely abandoned any pretense

of seeking a lasting peace with their Palestinian
neighbours, seeking instead to increase the

pace of settlement construction in 
the territories they occupied in 1967.

But Palestinians displaced during the Nakba
of 1948 have never given up their dreams of

returning to their homeland.

And the brave resistance of 
the Palestinian people to Israeli occupation

is famous all around the world.

I was born in Tel Aviv a long time ago.

Growing up, 
initially I bought everything that I was told.

That we, the Jewish people, 
were constant victims.

We’d never harmed anyone.

But then, as I was getting close to the age
where every Israeli is supposed to go to the

army – every Jewish Israeli – I started
hearing about things that were happening.

And it... uhhh... yeah it was incredibly painful.

It really ripped up my illusions about what
I was a part of, and what my people were doing.

And I did not understand much.

But I knew that people were 
fighting for their freedom.

And we were killing them for it.

Palestine is not just about statehood.

It’s about the return of the 
Palestinians to their historic homeland,

which is from the Jordan River 
to the Mediterranean.

The Jewish colony in Palestine — the Jewish
state — was created by the British,

who promised the Palestinian land, 
that they had colonized, to Jews.

So this colonial act, the fact that Britain
felt that they could promise this land to

whoever they wanted 
was the kind of original sin here.

At the same time the British were crushing
popular Palestinian uprisings.

Between 1936 and 1939 – it’s called the
Great Revolt – ten percent of the male population

of Palestine was either exiled or killed.

So by 1948, the population was depleted.

So that’s how thirty percent of the population
of Palestine, which by that time was Jewish,

could overpower, and displace, 
and disenfranchise, and throw out

the Palestinian people from these areas.

That the security of the Israeli people will be
reconciled with the hopes of the Palestinian people,

this brave gamble that the future
can be better than the past, must endure.

It was a big mistake that the PLO 
made this foolish Oslo agreement.

The Palestinian Authority, in entering into
the Oslo Accords, effectively surrendered

its right to armed struggle.

And from that moment on, they’ve worked
with the Israeli state to control and actually

dampen popular resistance inside Palestine.

They took the role of local affairs.

All the main issues – the borders, the independent
state, the settlements, Jerusalem, water even...

energy – and sixty percent of the lands
stayed in the hands of the Israeli occupation.

Nothing changed.

There is no legal system in 
the Palestinian Authority.

The security forces here – which have different
names, different factions, different brigades

— they just... without any kind of law,
they arrest people.

The Israelis?

There’s a system... not a real system, 
but a military system.

They charge the Palestinians 
for any reason, a long time.

As long as the Palestinian Authority arrests
whoever Israel tells them to arrest,

shares intelligence, proves its worth
... it’s allowed to exist.

If the role of the Palestinian Authority becomes
like this, only taking the dirty work from

the occupation, 
it becomes a very corrupted authority.

Thousands of demonstrators advanced on the
border fence that separates Gaza from Israel.

The Israeli military accused some 
in the crowd of being terrorists.

Soldiers opened fire, killing more than fifty
Palestinians, including eight children.

The Great March of Return is a popular act
of resistance that’s organized by

a large swathe of actors within Gaza.

It is popular resistance, and it has been
slightly misrepresented as somehow being created

by Hamas, which it was not.

Many of the protesters that go out every week
are not members of Hamas.

The people killed are from all political parties,
and many are not affiliated with a political party.

Y’know, not to mention the number of children
who have been murdered that are not, obviously,

politically affiliated.

People go to protest because the situation
is unbearable.

And they do it even when 
they’re told not to.

Because they see no other option.

There is no other option of 
a life with dignity right now in Gaza.

So it’s accepting a life without dignity,
or trying to fight for a different life.

These decentralized, but coordinated actions
go back to the First Intifada, which is why

the First Intifada was so special.

This moment of popular resistance.

A groundswell of resistance from all sectors
of Palestinian society.

Regardless of class, gender
... everyone was involved.

The Second Intifada started, after a few months,
to become an armed resistance.

But they discovered that it 
cannot lead to anything.

Even Hamas, which is dependent on military
resistance, or armed resistance,

found that in order to continue 
their control, their position,

they need to depend on popular resistance.

So the First Intifada is the big example for
the coming future for the Palestinian community.

In the West Bank, I think the situation is
going to be the Third Intifada.

And this situation will not remain 
as it is for a long time.

There’s this continuity of Palestinians
resisting occupation since 1948.

Twenty percent of Israeli citizens are Palestinian.

Obviously Palestinians live in the West Bank,
Jerusalem – which is their capital –

and Gaza.

And then there are Palestinians living in
refugee camps throughout the Arab world.

And of course the global diaspora.

This is one people.

The Palestinians are one people.

The Palestinians know that.

The Palestinian Revolution 
is there to break the status quo.

And the status quo won’t crush them.

Anarchists have a mixed history 
when it comes to anti-colonial struggle.

We are generally critical of nationalism,
seeing it as an ideology that allows for the

papering over of other contradictions 
within a given society.

According to this line of thought, buried
within the national aspirations that animate

anti-colonial struggle, are the seeds for
the reproduction of oppressive hierarchies,

and ultimately a new state.

That said, this criticism has, unsurprisingly,
been markedly less common among non-European

anarchists with first-hand 
experience of national oppression.

From the famous Indian 
revolutionary Bhagat Singh,

to the Cuban revolutionary 
Camilo Cienfuegos...

many prominent anti-colonial figures have
either identified as anarchists,

or drawn inspiration from anarchist teachings.

And countless other lesser-known anarchists
have participated in struggles for national

self-determination, or continue to do so today...
from those waged by the Mapuche in Wallmapu

to the Kurds of Rojava.

So the international solidarity movement is
international volunteers that come to support

the Palestinian popular struggle.

Yesterday there were homes under threat of
demolition, the volunteers were in the homes

with the families trying to, you know, resist
them being removed from their homes.

There are demonstrations.

Areas of Hebron that are under Israeli control,
Tel Rumeida, the children are under constant

risk of attack and harassment, the volunteers
take the kids to school and bring them back

from school.

I see that those activists in solidarity with
the Palestinian people helps give us hope

that we are not alone, opens the eyes of the
world about the human rights issues and the

occupation happening in Palestine.

I think there's a problem with Western and
white particular anarchists, that they're

not able to distinguish identity from national
aspirations.

Anarchists tend to say, well they're anti-national
so why do you want to fight for a nation state?

This is an incredibly facile and white way
of looking at things.

It is also arrogant.

Fannon understood the importance of national
liberation struggles as defined as national

liberation struggles, because that is how
they were confronted by settler-colonial regimes.

They were controlled as Bantu, as Algerian
Arabs, as Palestinians, as whatever.

You become those identities, all our identities
are constructed, but those are the identities

in which the Palestinians are acting now.

I feel it's impossible to talk about the dangers,
right now, you know of Palestinian nationalism.

Palestinians are stripped of their agency
to determine so many aspects of their lives

and their self-determination...

When power shifts, and Palestinians are in
control of their lives and of their land and

of their state, uh... then maybe we can revisit
this..?

But I don't feel that it's relevant to the
current situation

If you achieve your rights, justice, freedom
and others, you can think how to deal with

your neighbor.

Maybe united, cooperating...

I dunno.

But without this solution happening, nothing.

That conflict will continue.

The more racist Israelis will be going, and
the more religious or Salafist under the occupation

people in the Palestinian situation.

Palestine is the litmus test of a true revolutionary
in this country.

And if you're not one hundred percent on board,
then shut the fuck up.

And that goes for fucking anarchists, and
I don't care, or any sort of leftists.

Shut up and listen, and listen to the people
on the ground, listen to the people conducting

the BDS, listen to the revolutionaries in
Palestine.

And that's the way you do it.

Don't start something you can't finish.

You know?

Don't start trying to be something you're
not either, so whatever you're good at, find

if that's what you're passionate about and
find a way to mix it with your talents so

you're enjoying yourself because it does get
hard.

You know it's emotionally exhausting and there
comes a point where you just have to take

a step back and to remember to take care of
yourself.

Anarchist have to be careful to nuance how
they relate to the concept of sovereignty.

It shouldn't be fixed.

It needs to be a dynamic understanding of
the ways struggle demands from non-indigenous

anarchists to constantly rethink and reevaluate
their relationship to a set of ideas and practices.

Be aware of how whiteness functions in various
spaces of struggle.

You can be super down, and you can have a
great understanding of how whiteness operates

in the world, but you don't have control over
how people react to your whiteness.

So you've gotta be humble and understand that
no matter who you are, whiteness will always

be triggering for some people.

So know when to step back, when to be quiet
and know when just to walk away.

It's like, the way I envision it is like two
braids.

Like you have the boat here and you've got
like all your intermingling and all your people

and ideas, and over here we have our braid
going on.

And people have to realize that it's not just
one straight and narrow path that everyone

has to take, there's a weaving going on and
we're all connected one way or another.

You have to get away from colonialism's way
of thinking and you have to start thinking

on your own.

The main intention is not yourself as the
priority.

The main intention for this to work is the
priority of the other generations coming,

that we keep this equality and peaceful practices
going for them, not just for me.

Capitalism continues to fuel the aggressive
extractive projects snaking across the continent.

Anarchists fighting against exploitative processes
of capitalism should think about how important

it is to link their struggle to anti-colonial
resistance.

And for many, I think this means rethinking
post-revolutionary ideas of industrial societies.

You have to go back to the beginning, to the
Royal Proclamation, if we're going to get

rid of Canada, that's what it comes down to.

Because if they're not upholding their agreements
then they need to leave.

That government system, I'm not saying all
non-native people have to leave, but that

political structure and that government system
need to go.

The Zionist State, Israel, would have to be
dismantled and a new system based on equality,

equal rights would have to be created.

One in which we could all live together as
equals.

And I believe that, I mean, I know how wonderful
that can be because my life is an example

of that.

So I'm really looking forward for that day,
for the refugees to return, the prisoners

to be freed and the occupation to end and
apartheid to be dismantled, where I can meet

my friends from Gaza on the beach of Haifa, and have a cappuccino

We have a date for that day. So, we're looking forward to it.

There are few struggles with higher stakes
than those waged by Indigenous peoples against

their colonial occupiers.

This is because the assertion of collective
self-determination that they represent is

a direct attack on the legitimacy of the dominant
colonial power structure.

For states, they are therefore existential
threats... and tend to be treated as such.

The intense level of conflict that often result
from these clashes can in turn rupture the

illusion of social peace.

This poses opportunities for revolutionaries,
but also considerable risks.

It draws clear battle lines, allowing states
to mobilize their own national identities,

in order to allow for the intensification
of repression.

Non-indigenous anarchists must be well aware
of these dynamics, both in order to anticipate

and help combat nationalist reaction, and
to be able to act in complicity with all those

who take up determined struggle against our
mutual enemies within the ruling class.

So at this point, we’d like to remind you
that Trouble is intended to be watched in

groups, and to be used as a resource to promote
discussion and collective organizing.

Are you interested in getting more involved
with Indigenous solidarity work in your area,

or starting a group to provide sustained material
support to folks on the ground in Palestine?

Consider getting together with some comrades,
organizing a screening of this film, and discussing

where to get started.

Interested in running regular screenings of
Trouble at your campus, infoshop, community

center, or even just at home with friends?

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Just a reminder that we’re still in the
middle of our 2019 fundraiser.

Thanks to everyone who’s chipped in so far...
with your help, we’re now more than half-way

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This episode would not have been possible
without the generous support of Chelsea, Whitney,

B, Mos'ab and the good folks at the International
Solidarity Movement.

Stay tuned next month for Trouble 22, as we
take a closer look at the rising tide of xenophobic

anti-migrant hysteria sweeping the so-called
United States...

...they want all the rights and privileges
of being United Sates citizens and they don't

have those rights and privileges, they're
here illegally.

...and what people are doing to fight back.

Now get out there…. and make some trouble!